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Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca 250
dent verbs in V2 agrees in terms of aspect with the V1: -E if V1 is completive (78);25 -wɨ
if incompletive (79) or in non-declarative mood (80) (i.e. imperative or hortative).
(78) nək-tam-wə ʔən+juy-E boleto
go-12Pl-COM 1a+buy-dCOM ticket
‘We went to buy the tickets.’ (Johnson 2000:206)
(79) jemji gaji nək-pa ʔəy-pək=con-wə
all there go-INC 3a+get=join-dINC
‘They all go there to receive them.’ (Johnson 2000:203)
(80) min-ʔo ʔəm+pək=coN-tam-wə+ʔam haxake+haaʔ
come-IMPV2 2a+get=join-12Pl-dinc+now female.in.law+nPl2
‘Now come meet your mothers-in-law.’ (Johnson 2000:209)
The evidence from other languages in the Mixe-Zoquean family shows that while
dependent verbs in SP do not convey aspectual information, aspectual marking in V2s
does occur in the Mixe-Zoquean family, providing further evidence from a comparative
standpoint of the verbal status of independent verbs.
25 In the San Miguel Chimalapa Zoque examples, the abbreviations are as follows (Johnson 2000):
com, completive suffix; dcom, dependent completive; dinc, dependent incompletive; imPv2, imperative;
now, the equivalent of ‘already’ in SP; and nPl2, plural marker for pronouns and some nouns.
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