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The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Maya 21 (8) a. (Nan M) Kam vet unq’a vi’le’ q’i? kam vet unq’a vi’le’ q’i what dm det.Pl those dm ‘¿Qué son estes pues?’ ‘What are these?’ b. (MB) Ch’i’mal. ch’i’mal pretty ‘Son bonitos.’ ‘They’re pretty.’ c. (Nan M) Kam uve’? kam uve’ what that ‘Eso, qué es?’ ‘What is that?’ d. (MM) Ch’i’mal. ch’i’mal pretty ‘Son bonitos.’ ‘They’re pretty.’ e. (MM) Tan ni sik’in vete’. tan n-i sik’in vet-e’ because incomP-3s.erg shout dm-fv ‘Porque está gritando.’ ‘Because he’s shouting.’ f. (MM) Ni sik’in vet naj ti’ vitx’i’e’. n-i sik’in vet naj ti’ vi-tx’i’e’ incomP-3s.erg shout dm he for 3s.erg-dog ‘El está gritando por su perro.’ ‘He is shouting for his dog.’ fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Maya 22 In (8a), Nan M is asking her partners to explain what is happening in the picture. Immediately following Nan M’s question, MB comments on something in the picture: “Pretty.” MM repeats her comment, and then responds to Nan M, first saying that the boy is shouting, and then expanding on this by repeating that he is shouting and adding “for his dog.” Nan M’s question and MM’s two answers are both marked with vet which here serves the function of aligning one’s question with the other’s response. To explain the greater number of total occurrences of vet in the Frog telling than in the other texts, we must take into account not only the storytelling genre, but also these three participants and the work they must do to collaborate in the storytelling process. Two of the women understand the task and have very little trouble interpreting the pictures, while the third member is inexperienced with both this particular type of narration behavior and the prop. All three must then work harder at performing the task and assuring that they are all performing it together. Thus, vet is required to fill its adverbial sequencing function and to serve the metatextual functions of overtly recognizing each participant’s contributions and maintaining each woman’s stance as a participant. 4.3. OCCURRENCES OF VET IN A SPEECH. In Sections 4.1 and 4.2, we alluded to the metatextual functions of vet, those instances in which vet is used as an overt comment on the discourse itself. In (3a) and (4c) from Pancakes and (8a, d, and e) from Frog, vet was used as a way of agreeing with or referring back specifically to something said earlier in the telling. Further evidence of the metatextual use of vet can be seen in a speech given by one of the members of the Grupo de Mujeres por la Paz during a meeting to discuss the possibilities of beginning literacy training among the women. The speaker here, Nan Ja, is telling of a woman in another group who has learned to read and write. The woman struggled, according to Nan Ja, but achieved her literacy through that struggle. Seven of the twelve occurrences of vet in the hundred analyzed clauses of the speech are used to emphasize the accomplishments of this woman, as the listeners are urged to be like her. The sequence in (9a-f) provides five of those uses of vet. (9) (Nan Ja) a. Pero ni vil vet vitz’ib’ pero n-i v-il vet vi-tz’ib’ conJ incomP-ev 1s.erg-see dm 3s.erg letter aake’. aak-e’ person.of.respect-fv ‘Pero ya veo la letra de ella.’ ‘But now I see her writing.’ fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
Page 2 and 3: Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis i
Page 5: Contents Foreword iii Marianne Mith
Page 8 and 9: Another fading boundary is that bet
Page 10 and 11: languages: Akawaio (Kapóng), Akuri
Page 12: Acknowledgments The editors are dee
Page 15 and 16: Introduction 2 COMMUNITY COLLABORAT
Page 17 and 18: Introduction 4 confined themselves
Page 19 and 20: Introduction 6 Often, what turns ou
Page 21 and 22: Introduction 8 references boas, fra
Page 23 and 24: The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Ma
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Page 47 and 48: Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax
Page 71 and 72: Noun Class and Number in Kiowa-Tano
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Noun Class and Number in Kiowa-Tano
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fieldwork and linguistic analysis i
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The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Fam
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Zapotec Determiners 126 System of O
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Zapotec Determiners 128 and most at
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Zapotec Determiners 130 do often oc
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Zapotec Determiners 132 The minimal
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Zapotec Determiners 134 (14) (MMC,
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Zapotec Determiners 136 In the text
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Zapotec Determiners 138 b. bɛn gun
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Zapotec Determiners 140 rɛ’ɛbi-
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Zapotec Determiners 142 (29) (LGL,
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Zapotec Determiners 144 APPENDIX: T
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Middles and Reflexives in Yucatec M
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 174 On
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 176 (4
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 190 Th
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 198 co
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 200 RE
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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 202 Pe
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Gemination and Tonal Feet in Welede
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Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca
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