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Dena’ina Discourse Markers 191 (28) (Two Women Story) 1 K’elduna qut’ana chihdghiłt’ik k’elduna shtuqehnaniłyit. some people they.killed some they.ran.away ‘They killed some people and some ran away.’ 2 Qayeh qayeh qizdlu t’anch’q’u qanqehnazchet ha’. house house areal.are all they.destroyed.them conJ ‘They destroyed all the houses in the village.’ 3 T’anch’gheli qanqehnazchet. all.of.them they.destroyed ‘They demolished every last one of the houses.’ 4 Ch’q’u hch’a hch’a naqidyu. conJ they.started.back.uphill ‘Then they started back uphill.’ 5 Yudeq ghu k’ehnuldatl’ ghu hunuqesdyu. uphill there they.ate.berries there they.went.back.there ‘They got back up to the top, where they had eaten berries.’ Lines 1-3 are within the same paragraph. The beginning of the next paragraph (lines 4 and 5) is signaled by ch’q’u. (29) shows that idi eła can also be used to start a new paragraph: (29) (Mouse Story) 1 Dlin’a shla gin eyeh nushełdułtex. mouse little dem inside he.was.running.around ‘The little mouse was running around inside.’ 2 Nalqeni łach yitse ndghiłtl’it’. hot ashes over.him he.poured ‘He [man] poured hot ashes over him [mouse].’ 3 Really nalqeni. hot ‘Really hot.’ 4 Yeh shtunushełdaltuk’. there he.ran.away ‘He ran away from him.’ fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
Dena’ina Discourse Markers 192 5 Hey gheli idi eła k’undet tqedyuq. winter really conJ starvation it.happened ‘Really late that winter, they were starving.’ In this example, lines 1-4 belong to one paragraph and line 5 to another one. Lines 1-4 are set in the summer in the smokehouse (at the time when people prepare and store—or put up—fish for winter). They describe how the rich man’s son hurts the mouse by pouring hot ashes over him. In line 5, the punishment for this deed is described: starvation sets in. The beginning of a new paragraph is signaled by the adverb hey gheli ‘in late winter’, but also by the connective idi eła. Thus, ch’u and idi eła have three functions, depending on their position: They conjoin clauses in line-medial position; they conjoin lines in line-final position, creating tension, and they conjoin paragraphs in line-initial position. 4.2. CONJUNCTIONS: DIALECTOLOGY AND MEANING NUANCES. The question arises why there are several connectives with such similar meaning and function. One reason is dialectology. Table 1 shows which connective occurs in which dialects. Note that Lime Village and Nondalton are both Inland dialect. Speaker MH shows characteristics of both these villages (she was born in Lime Village, but has lived in Nondalton for more than 70 years). table 1. Connectives in the corpus (numbers refer to how frequently each connective occurs in the corpus) Nondalton MH Lime Kenai Upper Inlet total ch’łuq’u 5 5 ch’q’u 42 6 3 51 ch’u 5 20 14 108 147 ha’ 18 11 3 32 idi eła 38 4 8 1 3 54 Ch’u is the preferred connective in Lime Village, the Kenai and in the Upper Inlet dialect. Speakers from Lime Village use both ch’u and ch’q’u. Ha/ha’, ch’łuq’u, and ch’q’u are used mainly in Nondalton. Of these, ch’łuq’u usually connects clauses, ha/ha’ usually connect clauses and lines, and ch’q’u can connect clauses, lines or paragraphs. Kari (p.c.) points out that ha/ha’ may be on the way to replacing ch’q’u, and elicitation work done in recent years has confirmed this; most present-day speakers prefer ha/ha’ as clause and line connector (but will also accept ch’q’u). In a more vital language situation, this split between connectives might continue, resulting in a clear system like the one described by Holton (2004) for Tanacross, with different connectives indicating different degrees of closeness. fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the americas
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Fieldwork and Linguistic Analysis i
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Contents Foreword iii Marianne Mith
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Another fading boundary is that bet
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languages: Akawaio (Kapóng), Akuri
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Acknowledgments The editors are dee
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Introduction 2 COMMUNITY COLLABORAT
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Introduction 4 confined themselves
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Introduction 6 Often, what turns ou
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Introduction 8 references boas, fra
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The Discourse Marker vet in Ixil Ma
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fieldwork and linguistic analysis i
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Classifying Clitics in Sm’algyax
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Noun Class and Number in Kiowa-Tano
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The Story of *ȏ in the Cariban Fam
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Zapotec Determiners 126 System of O
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Zapotec Determiners 128 and most at
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Zapotec Determiners 130 do often oc
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Zapotec Determiners 132 The minimal
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Zapotec Determiners 134 (14) (MMC,
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Zapotec Determiners 136 In the text
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Zapotec Determiners 138 b. bɛn gun
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Page 161 and 162: Middles and Reflexives in Yucatec M
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Dependent Verbs in Sierra Popoluca
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