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pdf [5.3MB] - Department of Families, Housing, Community Services

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Productivity outcomes appear to be most frequently described as associated withsocioeconomic status <strong>of</strong> the family (parental income and asset base) and parentalinvolvement at school. As noted by Ermisch (2008), these factors are associated witha greater probability <strong>of</strong> parents engaging with their children more.Social/criminality outcomes were most frequently described in the context <strong>of</strong> the quality<strong>of</strong> the relationship between the parents as well as the level <strong>of</strong> bonding between theparents and children. Factors such as the length <strong>of</strong> time the biological father remainedin the family home, number <strong>of</strong> changes <strong>of</strong> parents, parental conflict, and poor socialbehaviours by the parents (criminality, alcoholism and illicit drug use) were all shown tobe associated with a greater likelihood <strong>of</strong> criminality by children.2.2 LONGITUDINAL CHILD AND YOUTH STUDIESA number <strong>of</strong> longitudinal Australian as well as international studies <strong>of</strong> children and youthhave either been completed or are currently underway with available interim results (Table2-8). Large longitudinal studies <strong>of</strong>fer the potential to specifically measure the impacts <strong>of</strong> FFon a range <strong>of</strong> social, health and economic outcomes on the child as well as the family.‘Longitudinal data are essential to answer many <strong>of</strong> the questions facing policymakers and researchers today. We know that the roots <strong>of</strong> many problems inadolescence and adulthood can be found in early childhood. The study willprovide data tracking children over time, to help researchers to understand how,why and when children embark on pathways to adaptive and maladaptiveoutcomes and where the opportunities are to help children move onto betterpathways’ (Sanson et al, 2002).Controlling potential confounding variables enables an analysis <strong>of</strong> causal impacts. However,not all child and youth related longitudinal studies collected data on FF. Some studiescollected FF information that corresponded to a number <strong>of</strong> aspects <strong>of</strong> the family environment,but did not include any specific measures <strong>of</strong> FF.In addition to this are considerations about the ease <strong>of</strong> access to data records. A number <strong>of</strong>the studies listed in Table 2-8 are from private research groups or otherwise not in the publicdomain. Access to these data records will require specific information requests to theresearch organisation. Costs will likely be associated with data provision, if it is permitted.International differences between social, policy and economic environments mean thatAustralian data are strongly preferred. That said, Björklund et al (2006) found that estimates<strong>of</strong> the negative relationship between living in a non-intact family and child outcomes wereremarkably similar between the USA and Sweden (two countries with significantly differentsocial and policy structures). If Australian data sources do not provide the informationrequired, international data sources could be examined for their ability to provide appropriateinformation, however this scoping study has only analysed the appropriateness <strong>of</strong> theidentified Australian databases: the Longitudinal Study <strong>of</strong> Australian Children (LSAC) – Section 2.2.1; the Longitudinal Study <strong>of</strong> Australian Youth (LSAY) – Section 2.2.2; the Australian Temperament Project (ATP) – Section 2.2.3; and the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) study –Section 2.2.4.25

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