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Contents - ResearchSpace@Auckland - The University of Auckland

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And, with a resolute mastery shaking <strong>of</strong>f<strong>The</strong> accidents <strong>of</strong> nature, time, and place,That make up the weak being <strong>of</strong> the past,Build social freedom on its only basis,<strong>The</strong> freedom <strong>of</strong> the individual mind,Which, to the blind restraints <strong>of</strong> general lawsSuperior, magisterially adoptsOne guide, the light <strong>of</strong> circumstances, flashedUpon an independent intellect. (X 818-830)After Wordsworth finally realised how isolated he had become in his fanatical support <strong>of</strong> theFrench republican cause, he had turned to Godwin’s rationalist philosophy in the hope <strong>of</strong> finding hisbearings again, and ‘reason’ did briefly become the necessary antidote to his enthusiasm. Godwin’sphilosophy served the purpose <strong>of</strong> rescuing him from his manic state <strong>of</strong> mind, and his method requiredthat Wordsworth think more seriously about his own convictions, and question his own motives. Buthe was to find that ‘human reason’ as defined by Godwin was not sufficient to answer his ownparticular questions about the true nature <strong>of</strong> justice.III. Political JusticeGodwin’s Enquiry concerning Political Justice, and its influence on General Virtue andHappiness was among a number <strong>of</strong> studies <strong>of</strong> political philosophy that Wordsworth was reading in1794. Whatever eighteenth or seventeenth-century texts he may have been reading according to LeslieChard; whether those <strong>of</strong> French philosophes or the English republicans, he would most likely havealso read Cicero’s De Legibus and the extracts <strong>of</strong> De Republica available to eighteenth centuryreaders, since both were foundational texts <strong>of</strong> classical republican political philosophy. Given hisconnection with Brissot in France he may well have read De Oratore by this time as well. His lettersto William Matthews during this period provide evidence that he was reading and reflecting onpolitical philosophy and concerned with defining his own particular position with some sense <strong>of</strong>precision. 16 In contrast to the manic picture presented in Book X, his correspondence with Matthewsis well reasoned, and during the course <strong>of</strong> 1794 he shows that he has spent some time defining his ownpolitical principles. Far from expressing his views with enthusiastic fervour, he plans to set up ajournal, to be called <strong>The</strong> Philanthropist with Matthews, and to write articles aimed at educating thepublic about the virtues <strong>of</strong> true republicanism. He is critical <strong>of</strong> the government for their draconiantreatment <strong>of</strong> those who had dared to speak openly <strong>of</strong> their political beliefs, 17 and pronounces himselfto be a democrat stressing that ‘it will be impossible’ for him not to ‘inculcate principles <strong>of</strong>government and forms <strong>of</strong> social order <strong>of</strong> one kind or another’:Besides essays on morals and politics I think I could communicate critical remarks uponpoetry &c, &c, upon the arts <strong>of</strong> painting, gardening, and other subjects <strong>of</strong> amusement. But I16 Legouis drew heavily on these letters, as did all subsequent biographers, since they provide the only solidevidence about Wordsworth’s state <strong>of</strong> mind, and his thinking, during this period.17 Thomas Hardy, Thomas Holcr<strong>of</strong>t, Horne Tooke and John <strong>The</strong>lwall had all just been imprisoned on charges <strong>of</strong>High Treason.170

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