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OUTRAGES ON THE WOMEN OF IRELAND: SEXUAL AND<br />
GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE COMMITTED BY CROWN<br />
FORCES DURING THE ANGLO-IRISH WAR<br />
Amy Reece*<br />
Irish Studies Program<br />
The armed conflict that followed the declaration of the new<br />
Irish Republic in December 1918 was a bloody guerilla war<br />
pitting Irish irregulars against the regular British Army<br />
and the Royal Irish Constabulary. 1 The Irish Republican<br />
Army (IRA), a name the insurgents called themselves, did<br />
not have the ability to capture and hold large amounts of<br />
territory. To make up for this shortfall, they created “flying<br />
columns,” small, highly mobile groups employing guerrilla<br />
tactics such as ambushes, raids, and sabotage. 2<br />
noncombatant civilians, can unfortunately lead soldiers<br />
to abuse civilians. The Anglo-Irish War, which is also<br />
known as the Irish War of Independence, conformed to<br />
this pattern. By viewing the conflict as an insurrection and<br />
relying on police instead of soldiers to defeat it, the British<br />
government relied upon men unprepared for such a<br />
conflict. This unpreparedness led them to behave “in ways<br />
that violate their preexisting moral and ethical standards.” 4<br />
They fought “terror, as they saw it, with terror.” 5<br />
The British forces were not used to this sort of military<br />
campaign. They considered guerilla warfare illegitimate<br />
and, therefore, not covered by the laws of war that<br />
governed the First World War in which so many of them<br />
had fought. In his chapter, “Just War and Guerilla War,”<br />
Michael L. Gross explains that traditional armies believe<br />
that guerilla armies “violate the principles of just war in<br />
the most egregious way and leave state armies to wring<br />
their hands in frustration and debate the price of violating<br />
the same principles that their adversaries mockingly<br />
ignore.” 3 This frustration, as well as the inability to<br />
ascertain the difference between combatants and<br />
Sexual violence, specifically rape, has long been both an<br />
unintended consequence and a deliberate weapon of war.<br />
In ethnic or nationalist conflicts, sexual violence often has<br />
much to do with women as a living embodiment of their<br />
nation or ethnic group. In Nationalism and Sexuality,<br />
George Mosse explains that women are symbols and<br />
guardians of the nation and its cultural traditions. Women<br />
represent the purity and continuity of the nation; to violate<br />
a woman is to violate the nation. Exploitation of women’s<br />
place in the socio-cultural traditions of their community<br />
by use of sexual violence creates an effective weapon of<br />
war. Cynthia Enloe explains:<br />
* This paper was prepared for History 390, the senior capstone, under the<br />
direction of Professor Thomas Mockaitis.<br />
1 Charles Townshend, “People’s War,” in The Oxford History of Modern<br />
War, ed. Charles Townshend (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005),<br />
184-86.<br />
2 Commandent General Tom Barry, Guerilla Days in Ireland: A First Hand<br />
Account of the Black and Tan War (1919-1921) (New York City: The Devin-<br />
Adair Company, 1956).<br />
3 Michael L. Gross, “Just War and Guerilla War,” in Just War: Authority,<br />
Tradition, and Practice, ed. Anthony F. Lang, Cian O’Driscoll, and John<br />
Williams (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013), 213.<br />
If military strategists (and their civilian allies and<br />
superiors) imagine that women provide the backbone<br />
of the enemy’s culture, if they define women chiefly as<br />
breeders, if they define women as men’s property, and<br />
4 D.M. Leeson, The Black and Tans: British Police and Auxiliaries in the<br />
Irish War of Independence, 1920-1921 (New York: Oxford University Press,<br />
2011), 2.<br />
5 Ibid.<br />
86 CREATING KNOWLEDGE