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OUTRAGES ON THE WOMEN OF IRELAND: SEXUAL AND<br />

GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE COMMITTED BY CROWN<br />

FORCES DURING THE ANGLO-IRISH WAR<br />

Amy Reece*<br />

Irish Studies Program<br />

The armed conflict that followed the declaration of the new<br />

Irish Republic in December 1918 was a bloody guerilla war<br />

pitting Irish irregulars against the regular British Army<br />

and the Royal Irish Constabulary. 1 The Irish Republican<br />

Army (IRA), a name the insurgents called themselves, did<br />

not have the ability to capture and hold large amounts of<br />

territory. To make up for this shortfall, they created “flying<br />

columns,” small, highly mobile groups employing guerrilla<br />

tactics such as ambushes, raids, and sabotage. 2<br />

noncombatant civilians, can unfortunately lead soldiers<br />

to abuse civilians. The Anglo-Irish War, which is also<br />

known as the Irish War of Independence, conformed to<br />

this pattern. By viewing the conflict as an insurrection and<br />

relying on police instead of soldiers to defeat it, the British<br />

government relied upon men unprepared for such a<br />

conflict. This unpreparedness led them to behave “in ways<br />

that violate their preexisting moral and ethical standards.” 4<br />

They fought “terror, as they saw it, with terror.” 5<br />

The British forces were not used to this sort of military<br />

campaign. They considered guerilla warfare illegitimate<br />

and, therefore, not covered by the laws of war that<br />

governed the First World War in which so many of them<br />

had fought. In his chapter, “Just War and Guerilla War,”<br />

Michael L. Gross explains that traditional armies believe<br />

that guerilla armies “violate the principles of just war in<br />

the most egregious way and leave state armies to wring<br />

their hands in frustration and debate the price of violating<br />

the same principles that their adversaries mockingly<br />

ignore.” 3 This frustration, as well as the inability to<br />

ascertain the difference between combatants and<br />

Sexual violence, specifically rape, has long been both an<br />

unintended consequence and a deliberate weapon of war.<br />

In ethnic or nationalist conflicts, sexual violence often has<br />

much to do with women as a living embodiment of their<br />

nation or ethnic group. In Nationalism and Sexuality,<br />

George Mosse explains that women are symbols and<br />

guardians of the nation and its cultural traditions. Women<br />

represent the purity and continuity of the nation; to violate<br />

a woman is to violate the nation. Exploitation of women’s<br />

place in the socio-cultural traditions of their community<br />

by use of sexual violence creates an effective weapon of<br />

war. Cynthia Enloe explains:<br />

* This paper was prepared for History 390, the senior capstone, under the<br />

direction of Professor Thomas Mockaitis.<br />

1 Charles Townshend, “People’s War,” in The Oxford History of Modern<br />

War, ed. Charles Townshend (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005),<br />

184-86.<br />

2 Commandent General Tom Barry, Guerilla Days in Ireland: A First Hand<br />

Account of the Black and Tan War (1919-1921) (New York City: The Devin-<br />

Adair Company, 1956).<br />

3 Michael L. Gross, “Just War and Guerilla War,” in Just War: Authority,<br />

Tradition, and Practice, ed. Anthony F. Lang, Cian O’Driscoll, and John<br />

Williams (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2013), 213.<br />

If military strategists (and their civilian allies and<br />

superiors) imagine that women provide the backbone<br />

of the enemy’s culture, if they define women chiefly as<br />

breeders, if they define women as men’s property, and<br />

4 D.M. Leeson, The Black and Tans: British Police and Auxiliaries in the<br />

Irish War of Independence, 1920-1921 (New York: Oxford University Press,<br />

2011), 2.<br />

5 Ibid.<br />

86 CREATING KNOWLEDGE

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