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Online Papers - Brian Weatherson

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Epistemic Modals in Context 290<br />

just overheard, it would be perfectly natural—and pretty clearly correct, so long as<br />

nothing funny is going on behind the scenes—for Watson to assert (47). A view that<br />

tells us that Watson’s saying something crazy relative to everybody who’s likely to be<br />

a member of his audience is in pretty serious conflict with our pretheoretical judgements<br />

about the case. (Enlarging the context to include both Holmes and Watson<br />

obviously doesn’t help, either.)<br />

The second problem concerns the social function of assertion. In particular, it<br />

causes difficulties for an attractive part of the Stalnakerian story about assertion,<br />

that the central role of an assertion is to add the proposition asserted to the stock<br />

of conversational presuppositions (Stalnaker, 1978). On the content relativist view,<br />

it can’t be that the essential effect of assertion is to add the proposition asserted to<br />

the stock of common presuppositions, because there’s no such thing as the proposition<br />

asserted. There will be a different proposition asserted relative to each audience<br />

member. That’s not part of an attractive theory. And it’s not terribly clear what<br />

the replacement story about the essential effect of assertion—about the fundamental<br />

role of assertion in communication—is going to be. It may be that there’s a story to<br />

be told about assertability—about when Moriarty is entitled to assert, for example,<br />

“it might be that Holmes is in Paris”—but there’s no obvious story about what he’s<br />

up to when he’s making that assertion—about what the assertion is supposed to accomplish.<br />

(And if you think that appropriateness of assertion’s got to be tied up with<br />

what your assertion’s supposed to accomplish, then you’ll be sceptical about even the<br />

first part.)<br />

The third problem concerns epistemic modals in the scope of temporal modifiers.<br />

The content relativist has difficulties explaining what’s going on with sentences like<br />

(48).<br />

(48) The Trojans were hesitant in attacking because Achilles might have been with<br />

the Greek army.<br />

On the content relativist view, (48) will be false relative to pretty much everybody—<br />

certainly relative to everybody alive today. It’s certainly false that the Trojans were<br />

hesitant because, as far as we know, Achilles was with the Greek army. (Or worse,<br />

because, as far as we knew then, Achilles was with the Greek army.) But, depending<br />

on how the Trojan war went, (48) could be true relative to everybody. 37<br />

Finally, content relativism has a problem with commands. Keith’s Mom says:<br />

(49) For all days d, you should carry an umbrella on d if and only if it might rain<br />

on d.<br />

37 We don’t take any stand here on just how the war went, if it happened at all. The important point is<br />

that whether (48) is true when said of a particular battle is a wide-open empirical question, not one that<br />

can be settled by appeal to the semantics of might. The content relativist says, falsely, that it can be thus<br />

settled.

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