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ment model every administration has nonetheless embraced the latter. The chief inadequacy<br />

of this model was that it did not work. The reactive approach to drug trafficking did<br />

not and could not produce the kind of prom] decisive resolution to be expected from war.<br />

As each subsequent administration assumed power, it found quickly that the drug problem<br />

h not gotten any easier, and the answers remained as elusive as they had be for its predecessor,<br />

whom it had recently criticized for failing to devise lasting solution to the<br />

national drug problem. One after another, each would solemnly take seats beside Hamlet,<br />

clinging to a law enforcement strategy, the evil of which they knew, rather than fly to new<br />

ones they knew naught of.<br />

I’M NOT A GANGSTER; I’M A BUSINESSMAN 588<br />

The expanded local law enforcement model that prevailed in law enforcement circles<br />

in the late 1970’s was clearly inadequate to describe what government agencies were confronting.<br />

Drug trafficking was no longer a simple aggregation of individual crimes, each<br />

<strong>with</strong> a relatively localized effect. Drug trafficking had become an industry, generating<br />

wealth on such a scale that it did far more than make individuals rich and afford them a<br />

lavish lifestyle. It had actually begun to put amounts of money large enough to be accurately<br />

described as capital into criminal hands. True, earlier recent instances of criminal<br />

capital accumulation, such as the money made on illegal alcohol, gambling and prostitution,<br />

which provided the capital to develop the Las Vegas gambling industry, did occur,<br />

but these did not match the scope of the international operations being observed in drug<br />

trafficking. Among the traffickers, money was being made hand over fist, and was rolling<br />

in faster than anything law enforcement had previously experienced. In a single generation,<br />

street criminals could hope to amass sufficient money to expand into legitimate<br />

enterprises, effectively shielding themselves from the criminal origins of their fortunes.<br />

Worse, drug traffickers could become economic forces in the poverty-stricken countries<br />

where many of their operations were based. They were developing and cultivating social<br />

and political influence, acquiring their own constituencies, and even entering foreign governments<br />

themselves. Mario Puzo’s “Godfather,” Don Vito Corleone, could be speaking<br />

about these drug traffickers when he proffers his wry quip that he is not a gangster, but a<br />

businessman. To be sure, Don Corleone surpassed the status of common criminal. By the<br />

early 1980’s, many drug traffickers too had become businessmen of sorts. While they<br />

exercise substantial influence on entire countries, their objectives are not political or revolutionary,<br />

but economic.<br />

One should regard drug trafficking for what it is: a global, clandestine criminal industry.<br />

This description distinguishes it from the widely held view of drug trafficking as simply<br />

a large grab bag of individual crimes. Although the phrase “international drug<br />

trafficking industry” has since gained general acceptance, the term “global” is a key element<br />

of this working definition of drug trafficking. The distinction represents more than<br />

just a literary preference. While the term “international” may flow nicely in papers and<br />

588 Comment by Vito Corleone from the Mario Puzo/Francis Ford Coppola “Godfather” book and<br />

cinema series.<br />

324

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