Economic Effects of Sustainable Sanitation - SuSanA

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Case Study Kampala Figure 12: Kampala and the locations of interviews and focus group discussions (based on KCC GIS Unit Room B 109) The sanitation situation in the slum areas of Kampala is precarious. The reasons for that are diverse: Many slums are located in drainage areas that are connected to Lake Victoria. Those areas are frequently inundated during tropical rainstorms. Another reason is the level of income of the residents and their inability or reluctance to pay for improved sanitation (either investing in proper facilities or arrange a proper emptying of existing facilities). Finally, sanitation is deficient because of a lack of planning and law enforcement from the local authorities. Where no centralised sewage network exists, it is the individual‘s responsibility to implement a safe and suitable onsite sanitation facility. Kampala City Council‘s (KCC) duty is to monitor this individual‘s responsibility and to assure law enforcement. The majority of residents of the informal settlements of Kampala are tenants (UBOS, 2007a, p.101). The accommodation provided by the landlords usually consists of several single room houses, shared by one family, roofed with iron sheets, having brick walls and earth as floor material (cf. UBOS, 2007a, p. 102). The houses themselves usually share a compound where a toilet facility and a washing area are provided by the landlord. The number of toilet users that has been reported ranged from 50 to 100 people per stance. 40
Case Study Kampala An estimated proportion of 60% of toilets in Kampala‘s slums are shared pit latrines that have been constructed above the ground due to the high groundwater table and in order to prevent flooding after heavy rainstorms. In higher elevated areas where a deeper groundwater table can be expected, conventional pit latrines without lining are dug into the ground and used instead. An estimated proportion of 30% of the people living in slums use public toilets that were e.g. funded by NGOs, official authorities like KCC or the Directorate of Water Development, Uganda (DWD) or indirectly by Official Development Assistance (ODA). There are quite a number of public toilets that are operated on a commercial basis where the users pay a fee of 0.04 EUR per visit. From this income the operator gets paid and expenses for water and cleaning material and the emptying costs are covered. Since the slum areas are places with high economic activity the public toilets are additionally frequented by informal traders from outside Kampala that visit the markets to follow their business activities during the day. The remaining 10% of slum dwellers, likely to be part of the poor fraction of the community, rely on ‗alternative‘ means, meaning the use of polyethylene bags for defecation (referred to as ‗flying toilets‘) or open defecation which considerably spoil the environment and contribute to various health problems such as cholera outbreaks, diarrhoea and different parasitic infections (cf. chapter 2.3). But not only have these ‗alternative‘ sanitation practices increased the risk of the outbreaks of diseases also the commonly applied emptying practices of the shared, landlord provided above ground pit latrines are contributing to the precarious situation: one popular way of dealing with the faecal sludge derived from the toilets is to empty them into the surrounding environment e.g. a drainage channel. This usually happens during the rainy season when a cork which is positioned close to the ground level of the pit is opened and the faecal sludge is released. Another popular option is to empty the pits manually with a bucket. In this case again the environment in the direct vicinity receives the faecal sludge. The basic version of the conventional underground pit is usually not emptied properly either, instead it is left for decomposition while a new pit has to be dug somewhere else on the compound. If enough money for a proper emptying can be allocated, KCC or the Private Emptiers Association (PEA 41 ) get contracted and provide the emptying service with suction trucks. However, due to a scarcity of money and often unsuitable toilets without lined pits and bad road accessibility this option is chosen quite rarely. As opposed to this, public units get emptied by trucks which are financed by the income generated by the imposed user fees. If a 10 000 l truck provides the service, the costs for one emptying trip can easily add up to 64 EUR 42 . During the focus group discussions the residents of the slum areas were asked to rank basic needs such as shelter, food, sanitation, education and leisure regarding its importance. Sanitation was always allocated to the first rank and most participants showed a good 41 Besides the emptying service of toilets and septic tanks, the PEA is also offering technical advice and guidance regarding onsite sanitation. 41
Page 1: Diplomarbeit von Enno Schröder Geo
Page 4 and 5: Summary The present thesis provides
Page 6 and 7: Contents Summary ..................
Page 8 and 9: List of Figures Figure 1: Developme
Page 10 and 11: RUWASS Reform of the Urban Water &
Page 12 and 13: Introduction Programme (JMP), sanit
Page 14 and 15: Introduction The introduction gave
Page 16 and 17: Sanitation: facts and interrelation
Page 28 and 29: Sustainable sanitation Lower cost
Page 30 and 31: Sustainable sanitation in the chamb
Page 32 and 33: Sustainable sanitation aged 5 to 15
Page 34 and 35: Table 2: Benefits and economic dime
Page 36 and 37: Design backgrounds - The Integrated
Page 38 and 39: 5 Methods Methods Generally, method
Page 40 and 41: Methods The design of the empirical
Page 42 and 43: 1. Expert Level Slum dwellers/landl
Page 44 and 45: Methods the sanitation or agricultu
Page 46 and 47: Methods itself, that is considered
Page 48 and 49: Methods The primary motivation of
Page 52 and 53: Case Study Kampala awareness regard
Page 54 and 55: Case Study Kampala also other stake
Page 56 and 57: Case Study Kampala application of f
Page 58 and 59: Case Study Kampala Four from eight
Page 60 and 61: Case Study Kampala decentralised on
Page 62 and 63: Table 4: continued Stakeholder grou
Page 64 and 65: Table 4: continued Stakeholder grou
Page 66 and 67: Case Study Kampala Landlord units:
Page 68 and 69: Figure 13: Logistics system for uri
Page 70 and 71: Case Study Kampala scenarios, respe
Page 72 and 73: Private Company Level Case Study Ka
Page 74 and 75: Case Study Kampala incentive for ea
Page 76 and 77: Case Study Kampala Figure 16: Cost
Page 78 and 79: Case Study Kampala Table 7: Sensiti
Page 80 and 81: 6.2.2.6 Conclusion case study Case
Page 82 and 83: 7 Conclusion Conclusion It could be
Page 84 and 85: Conclusion dried faecal matter does
Page 86 and 87: 8 Bibliography Bibliography African
Page 88 and 89: Joensson, H., Stinzing, A. R., Vinn
Page 90 and 91: Bibliography Still, D., A., 2002: A
Page 92 and 93: Bibliography World Urbanisation Pro
Page 94 and 95: 9.2 Interview guidelines Guideline
Page 96 and 97: 9.3 Cost calculations 87 Nutrient v
Page 98 and 99: Logistics systems cost calculations
Page 100 and 101:
Working hours per day [h] 10 Intere
Page 102 and 103:
Collection point space requirements
Page 104 and 105:
Volume storage tank [l] 24.000 Cres
Page 106 and 107:
Collection point rent faeces [UGX]
Page 108 and 109:
With interest [UGX] 72.000.000 20%
Page 110 and 111:
Storage site operators salaries [UG
Page 112 and 113:
Overview Costs Urine Collection poi
Page 114 and 115:
Investement Price for all collectio
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Economic Effects of Sustainable Sanitation - SuSanA

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