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Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States

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West Germany <strong>and</strong> other west European countries. In the 1980s, the Herzegov<strong>in</strong>ian<br />

Franciscan prov<strong>in</strong>ce had 80 monks who served 40 parishes. 41<br />

Yet, as early as the mid-1970s, some of the Franciscan parishes <strong>in</strong> western<br />

Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a, notwithst<strong>and</strong><strong>in</strong>g a bitter opposition, had been taken over<br />

by the bishop of Mostar <strong>and</strong> secular clergy. In order to counter the official<br />

Church’s campaign, the friars of Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a established an association of<br />

priests <strong>and</strong> laypeople, called Peace <strong>and</strong> Goodness. The association developed<br />

<strong>in</strong>to a local movement for church autonomy that opposed diocesan policies<br />

<strong>in</strong> Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a <strong>and</strong> provided popular support for the Franciscans’ self-rule.<br />

The Vatican strongly backed the local bishop. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to 1975 papal decree<br />

entitled Romanis pontificibus, the Franciscans were ordered to ab<strong>and</strong>on<br />

most of the parishes to the bishop <strong>and</strong> withdraw <strong>in</strong>to monasteries. In the<br />

years that preceded the apparitions at Medjugorje, the bishop made an effort<br />

to execute the papal decree. The friars sought support at home <strong>and</strong> abroad. 42<br />

Church leaders acted cautiously, try<strong>in</strong>g to avoid conflict with a stubborn<br />

opponent. 43<br />

In the 1980s, Catholic–Orthodox relations had worsened. In the context<br />

of the conflict of the churches, the Medjugorje movement added much fuel<br />

to the fire of the grow<strong>in</strong>g enmity. The Serbs <strong>and</strong> their Orthodox Church<br />

looked at the apparitions angrily. For them there was no doubt about the<br />

character of the “miracle” of Medjugorje: it could be only a relapse to Ustasˇism.<br />

The Ustasˇas left a bloody legacy <strong>and</strong> bitter memories among Orthodox<br />

Serbs <strong>in</strong> Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a. Dur<strong>in</strong>g the Ustasˇa terror of 1941–42, the Ustasˇas<br />

ethnically cleansed half of the Serb population of Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a. The area is<br />

full of mass graves. Natural pits (jamas), trenches, rav<strong>in</strong>es, <strong>and</strong> underground<br />

cracks <strong>in</strong> the Herzegov<strong>in</strong>ian limestone karst were burial sites of Ustasˇa victims<br />

but also harbored relics of the Croats—victims of the communists’ <strong>and</strong><br />

the Serbian nationalist militant Četniks’ revenge. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to a map of<br />

mass graves <strong>and</strong> execution sites based on research by a Serbian author, there<br />

are 17 jamas <strong>and</strong> mass graves <strong>in</strong> the zone around Medjugorje, which <strong>in</strong>cludes<br />

the Mostar, Čaplj<strong>in</strong>a, <strong>and</strong> Gabela regions. 44 Four mass graves, S ˇ urmanci,<br />

Prebilovci, Vidonje, <strong>and</strong> Bivolje Brdo lie with<strong>in</strong> several miles of Medjugorje.<br />

In August 1941 the bishop of Mostar, the Franciscan Alojzije Misˇić,<br />

wrote to the archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Step<strong>in</strong>ac: “those Ustasˇa brought<br />

six wagons full of mothers, girls <strong>and</strong> children under eight, to the station of<br />

S ˇ urmanci, where the victims were taken out of the wagons, brought <strong>in</strong>to<br />

the hills <strong>and</strong> thrown alive, mothers <strong>and</strong> children, <strong>in</strong>to deep rav<strong>in</strong>es.” 45 The<br />

Franciscan assistance to the crim<strong>in</strong>al Ustasˇa provided an opportunity for the<br />

bishop to discredit the disobedient friars.<br />

In the 1980s, the bishop of Mostar <strong>and</strong> the Franciscans of Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a<br />

were at odds, as always. However, as the possible breakup of <strong>Yugoslav</strong>ia<br />

became possibility, especially when Slobodan Milosˇević came to power <strong>in</strong><br />

Serbia, many Croat church leaders saw the Marian movement <strong>in</strong> Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a<br />

as an <strong>in</strong>strument of national homogenization of the Croats from Croatia<br />

<strong>and</strong> Bosnia-Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a. For example, the archbishop of Split, Frane<br />

118 balkan idols

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