Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States
Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States
Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States
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tions with<strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>stream faiths have come “from above.” However, this theory<br />
is still an oversimplification. Although I generally hesitate to seek excuses<br />
for leaders, focus<strong>in</strong>g rather on their responsibilities, it must be noted<br />
that hard historical circumstances that affected the <strong>Balkan</strong> peoples <strong>in</strong> general<br />
have often transformed moderate religious leaders <strong>in</strong>to zealots. The political<br />
outlook of Card<strong>in</strong>al Alojzije Step<strong>in</strong>ac was decisively shaped by two<br />
historical events: the concordat crisis of the 1930s <strong>and</strong> the communist revolution<br />
<strong>in</strong> 1945. Likewise, the moderate Serb Orthodox patriarch Germanus<br />
Djorić turned <strong>in</strong>to a zealot <strong>and</strong> ethnic nationalist extremist at the age of<br />
eighty-seven under the pressures of several comb<strong>in</strong>ed factors, such as the<br />
“triple schism” with<strong>in</strong> the church, the relative progress of Catholicism <strong>and</strong><br />
Islam, the worsen<strong>in</strong>g of the Kosovo crisis, the rise of Milosˇević, the nationalistic<br />
responses from the Catholic Church <strong>in</strong> Croatia, the European anticommunist<br />
euphoria of 1989, <strong>and</strong> so forth. I would also argue that the<br />
Islamic Community has always been relatively less nationalistic <strong>and</strong> militant.<br />
The Serb anti-Muslim campaign of the 1980s <strong>and</strong>, most of all, war <strong>and</strong><br />
genocide <strong>in</strong> Bosnia-Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a have produced numerous Islamic hawks <strong>in</strong><br />
the IZ <strong>and</strong> made Arab revolutionary Islam popular <strong>in</strong> Bosnia-Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a.<br />
Thus, for example, the currently ultrahawkish reis-ul-ulema Mustafa Cerić<br />
appeared to me, when I <strong>in</strong>terviewed him on the occasion of the Gulf War,<br />
to be an ambitious Arab-educated Muslim cleric, <strong>and</strong> I described him as a<br />
moderate. Yet, fueled by the horrors of the Bosnian war <strong>and</strong> Milosˇević’s<br />
assault on Albanians <strong>in</strong> Kosovo, militancy swamped Muslim communities<br />
not only <strong>in</strong> Bosnia but also <strong>in</strong> Kosovo <strong>and</strong> Macedonia. Now Islamic hawks<br />
could be found even among the two most moderate Muslim religious communities<br />
I found <strong>in</strong> the <strong>Balkan</strong>s, the Slavic Muslims of Macedonia <strong>and</strong> the<br />
sufi (dervish) orders <strong>in</strong> Kosovo. I th<strong>in</strong>k that I can conclude the same about<br />
the recently <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly nationalistic archbishop of Sarajevo, V<strong>in</strong>ko Card<strong>in</strong>al<br />
Puljić. Although I spoke with him only briefly, I followed his career <strong>and</strong><br />
came to the conclusion that he is one of the young, highly competent members<br />
of the Vatican’s “cadres for the twentieth first century.” Puljić was<br />
orig<strong>in</strong>ally a moderate church leader <strong>and</strong> turned <strong>in</strong>to a militant after his<br />
disappo<strong>in</strong>tment with the <strong>in</strong>ternational community, comb<strong>in</strong>ed with his frustration<br />
over the decl<strong>in</strong>e of the Croat population <strong>in</strong> Bosnia-Herzegov<strong>in</strong>a <strong>and</strong><br />
his conviction that neither the local Serb nor Muslim communities will communities<br />
will ever s<strong>in</strong>cerely cooperate. Nonetheless, although religious leaders<br />
operat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> such a rough sett<strong>in</strong>g as the <strong>Balkan</strong>s might have had more<br />
or less compell<strong>in</strong>g reasons for feel<strong>in</strong>g what Mircea Eliade has termed the<br />
perennial religious communities’ “fear of ext<strong>in</strong>ction,” which often turned<br />
them <strong>in</strong>to zealots, it is strange <strong>and</strong> discourag<strong>in</strong>g how quickly <strong>and</strong> easily<br />
religious leaders succumb to this fear <strong>and</strong> lose faith <strong>and</strong> patience. Besides,<br />
one can never be sure when the religious leaders’ “fear of ext<strong>in</strong>ction” is real<br />
<strong>and</strong> when they <strong>in</strong>tentionally magnify it <strong>in</strong> order to mobilize the faithful<br />
aga<strong>in</strong>st the “other,” to revitalize faith, boost the cohesion of the religionational<br />
community, <strong>and</strong> consolidate privileged social status of the clergy.<br />
conclusions 241