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Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States

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thor Filip David <strong>and</strong> the opposition circles around the bimonthly Republika,<br />

among others, called the national church a carrier of nationalism that<br />

would outlive Milosˇević. 29<br />

Accord<strong>in</strong>gly, <strong>in</strong> spite of dynamic religious organizations’ activities <strong>in</strong> some<br />

periods, no genu<strong>in</strong>e religious revival ever occurred <strong>in</strong> any of the <strong>Yugoslav</strong><br />

states. The only possible genu<strong>in</strong>e revival <strong>in</strong> <strong>Yugoslav</strong>ia would have been a<br />

rise of the <strong>in</strong>fluence of m<strong>in</strong>ority faiths. This did not occur, <strong>and</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>stream<br />

faiths even attempted to check the <strong>in</strong>flux of foreign missionaries while harass<strong>in</strong>g<br />

domestic m<strong>in</strong>orities. I <strong>in</strong>troduced the <strong>Yugoslav</strong> m<strong>in</strong>ority faiths (“m<strong>in</strong>or<br />

religious communities” or sects) <strong>in</strong> the religious portrait of <strong>Yugoslav</strong><br />

states <strong>in</strong> chapter 1, where I said that they were not l<strong>in</strong>ked with any particular<br />

ideology, ethnic group, or state. As noted, these m<strong>in</strong>or faiths are multiethnic,<br />

<strong>and</strong> while their members have not been the agents of the <strong>Yugoslav</strong><br />

conflict, they have contributed to the <strong>in</strong>terfaith dialogue <strong>and</strong> religious peacemak<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

M<strong>in</strong>or Protestant Christian communities were the only religious<br />

organizations <strong>in</strong> <strong>Yugoslav</strong>ia that did not take part <strong>in</strong> the <strong>Yugoslav</strong> ethnic<br />

conflict. M<strong>in</strong>or religious organizations <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual religious figures, operat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

autonomously, successfully contributed to <strong>in</strong>terfaith dialogue, religious<br />

peacemak<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> relief work—all this with no str<strong>in</strong>gs attached (<strong>in</strong><br />

contrast to the large religious organizations, which always compete with<br />

one another <strong>and</strong> pursue political <strong>and</strong> economic <strong>in</strong>terests). In addition to the<br />

quixotic Bosnian Franciscans Marko Orsˇolić <strong>and</strong> Ivo Marković, <strong>and</strong> several<br />

other autonomous religious figures mentioned <strong>in</strong> chapter 10, the champions<br />

of religious peacemak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>terfaith dialogue <strong>in</strong> the successor states of<br />

the former <strong>Yugoslav</strong>ia have been members of m<strong>in</strong>ority groups, such as Jakob<br />

F<strong>in</strong>ci of the Sarajevo Jewish community <strong>and</strong> the Pentecostal Christian<br />

scholar from northern Croatia, Peter Kuzmić. It is <strong>in</strong> order to note <strong>in</strong> this<br />

conclusion (as I did <strong>in</strong> chapter 1) the benign role of m<strong>in</strong>ority faiths <strong>in</strong> the<br />

former <strong>Yugoslav</strong>ia <strong>and</strong> its successor states. This “different k<strong>in</strong>d of faith” has<br />

survived amid all the <strong>Balkan</strong> idols. This example, like many similar cases,<br />

provokes the assumption that genu<strong>in</strong>e religion may be possible only <strong>in</strong> sects,<br />

cults, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividuals, most likely hermits <strong>and</strong> heretics. A genu<strong>in</strong>e religious<br />

revival exemplified <strong>in</strong> the rise of new cults <strong>and</strong> sects could be observed <strong>in</strong><br />

recent decades, for example, <strong>in</strong> South America, Asia, <strong>and</strong> Africa, but not <strong>in</strong><br />

countries where “godless” communism had collapsed. There, traditional<br />

faiths sought to fill the space vacated by communist parties. This process<br />

had to do not with spiritual <strong>and</strong> moral recovery of society but with religious<br />

organizations’ struggle for ideological monopoly <strong>and</strong> the spoils of postcommunism—power<br />

<strong>and</strong> privatization of former socialist property. New theocracies,<br />

state religions, <strong>and</strong> religious states have succeeded <strong>in</strong> recent decades<br />

more often than liberal democracies. There are a large number of semitheocracies,<br />

state religions, <strong>and</strong> religious states <strong>in</strong> our world today—notably<br />

<strong>in</strong> the Muslim world but also elsewhere. Dur<strong>in</strong>g the same period, many new<br />

liberal democracies experienced the clerical challenge <strong>and</strong> rema<strong>in</strong>ed threatened<br />

by antisecular forces.<br />

conclusions 221

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