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Balkan Idols: Religion and Nationalism in Yugoslav States

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4<br />

the catholic church <strong>and</strong> the<br />

mak<strong>in</strong>g of the croatian<br />

nation, 1970–1984<br />

A s a consequence of the liberal course of the <strong>Yugoslav</strong> communist<br />

regime of the 1960s, the six-republic federation was<br />

swamped by an upsurge of ethnic nationalism <strong>in</strong> all the republics <strong>and</strong> autonomous<br />

prov<strong>in</strong>ces. 1 The carriers of this nationalism were not <strong>in</strong>itially the<br />

conservative anticommunist forces such as, the churches <strong>and</strong> surviv<strong>in</strong>g<br />

World War II enemies of the Partisans but were “ethnonationally sensitive”<br />

communist leaders <strong>in</strong> the republics <strong>and</strong> autonomous prov<strong>in</strong>ces. They dem<strong>and</strong>ed<br />

more power <strong>and</strong> autonomy at the expense of the federation. Nonetheless,<br />

they unwitt<strong>in</strong>gly became allies of conservative nationalists who saw<br />

the process as a step toward their separatist ideal. Although secular forces<br />

dom<strong>in</strong>ated these movements, religious <strong>in</strong>stitutions were not dormant.<br />

The most massive of the <strong>Yugoslav</strong> nationalist movements of the late sixties<br />

was the Croatian National Movement, also referred to by its supporters<br />

as Croatian Spr<strong>in</strong>g, or, <strong>in</strong> the old regime’s jargon, the “Croatian Mass Movement”<br />

(1967–72). The Croatian national movement, triggered by a Serbo-<br />

Croatian l<strong>in</strong>guistic dispute <strong>in</strong> 1967, exp<strong>and</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>to spheres of culture, economy,<br />

education, foreign <strong>and</strong> military affairs, <strong>in</strong>terethnic relations,<br />

constitutional politics, <strong>and</strong> so on. Croat communists <strong>and</strong> noncommunists<br />

came together, bound by the appeal<strong>in</strong>g nationalist agenda. Thus, the secretary<br />

of the League of Communists of Croatia, Miko Tripalo, said that<br />

“national <strong>and</strong> class <strong>in</strong>terests were the same as nation <strong>and</strong> class had become<br />

identical.” 2 The movement’s leaders believed that Croatia without the rest<br />

of <strong>Yugoslav</strong>ia (especially if released from the “<strong>Balkan</strong> burden” of Serbia,<br />

Kosovo, <strong>and</strong> Macedonia), would atta<strong>in</strong> the prosperity of western European<br />

countries. 3 The movement reached its p<strong>in</strong>nacle <strong>in</strong> the spr<strong>in</strong>g of 1971. Croatia<br />

was on the verge of revolution. Street protests <strong>and</strong> strikes took place <strong>in</strong><br />

several Croatian cities. In December 1971, the unchallenged supreme authority<br />

<strong>in</strong> <strong>Yugoslav</strong>ia, Josip Broz Tito, summoned the Croat communist leaders<br />

who sided with the movement to his Karadjordjevo hunt<strong>in</strong>g lodge <strong>and</strong><br />

56

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