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A CRIMINAL HISTORY OF MANKIND

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In May 1945, as the Russians fought their way into Berlin, Hitler ordered the flooding of the Berlin<br />

underground railway, in which thousands of people had taken shelter. Germany deserved to perish,<br />

said Hitler. ‘The German people are not worthy of me.’ Like the frog in the fairy tale, his ego had<br />

swelled until it exploded.<br />

Two weeks later, he committed suicide.<br />

THE CRIME EXPLOSION<br />

At the end of the Second World War, there was the usual sharp rise in crime that has followed<br />

every major war in history. By 1946, Britain’s crime figures had doubled since pre-war days: twice<br />

as many robberies, burglaries, rapes and crimes of violence. Even in America, which had been<br />

relatively insulated from the war by distance, crime had risen by two-thirds.<br />

In the early 1950s, the figures began to show a reassuring fall; by 1954, they were actually lower<br />

than in 1945. It looked as if the crisis was over and things had returned to normal. But closer<br />

examination of the statistics showed a frightening trend. Robbery and burglary had fallen<br />

dramatically - due to the rise in prosperity - but crimes of violence and sex crimes continued their<br />

steady rise; in fact, they had doubled since 1945.<br />

Now crimes are, as we have seen, the most accurate barometer of the stability of a society.<br />

Criminals are like the rats who die first in a plague. The criminal is a person in whom the ‘T force’<br />

- explosive tension - is higher than usual, and tends to sweep away ‘force C’, the inhibitory<br />

function. So when there is underlying social frustration, it is the criminal who provides a measure<br />

of that tension. If a new and horrifying type of crime occurs, a type that has never been known<br />

before, it should not be regarded as some freak occurrence any more than the outbreak of a new<br />

disease should be dismissed as a medical oddity. For the criminologist, it provides an insight into<br />

the total state of the society.<br />

Two crimes from the post-war period provide an example. On 7 September 1949, a French<br />

Canadian, Albert Quay, saw his wife on to a plane; twenty minutes later, it exploded in mid-air,<br />

killing all twenty-three people on board. Examination of the wreckage revealed the cause of the<br />

explosion as dynamite, and investigation showed that Guay had sent his wife on the trip with a<br />

bomb disguised as a religious statue; the motive was the $10,000 he had insured her for. Guay and<br />

two accomplices were executed. On 1 November 1955, John Graham escorted his mother to a plane<br />

at Denver airport; it also exploded in mid-air, killing forty-four people. Again, investigation<br />

revealed dynamite as the cause of the disaster, and Graham proved to have detonators concealed in<br />

his house; he was sent to the gas chamber. Many men have killed wives or mothers for money, but<br />

until 1949 there was no case of the killer destroying so many other human lives to achieve his aim.<br />

It demonstrates a peculiar degree of ‘alienation’ - the kind of alienation that C. R. Carpenter<br />

observed in his rhesus monkeys who were deprived of ‘territory’, or that Colin Turnbull observed<br />

in the Ik.<br />

The same alienation is revealed in the steady rise of sex crime after the Second World War. We<br />

have seen that, in Calhoun’s ‘behavioural sink’, the rats responded to overcrowding with<br />

cannibalism and rape. Studies of the rising crime rate in America in the 1950s showed that the<br />

steepest rise occurred in cities with more than a quarter of a million inhabitants; in the largest cities,<br />

the homicide rate was three times higher than in small towns, and rape and violence against the<br />

person four times higher. By 1956 it was clear that even the improvement in the larceny figures was<br />

only a temporary phenomenon; they also began to rise again. And homicide and rape have

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