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“baptisms.” This is simply to try <strong>and</strong> distinguish the accounts of those who lived out<br />
their lives as Catholic converts from the people who experienced “deathbed baptism.”<br />
Moreover, as I will discuss later, deathbed baptisms varied from sick infants to adults<br />
who were still cognizant enough to interact with the priest.<br />
The missions to the Seneca may be the most historically complex of the Five<br />
Nations, given that their territory was, during the time of the Jesuits, the most<br />
geographically removed from European settlements (JR 55:73). Also, many of Seneca<br />
villages consisted of “adopted” Huron <strong>and</strong> persons formerly of other groups (JR<br />
54:79-81), <strong>and</strong> again when Chaumonot arrived, many Huron had already been exposed<br />
or converted to Catholicism (JR 44:23-25). Beyond the previously discussed tactics<br />
the missionaries employed to compel converts, the role that Huron Christians may<br />
have played in spreading the faith (as the passage in JR 54:85 suggests) is certainly an<br />
area where further research is needed.<br />
The data on baptized <strong>and</strong> practicing Christian individuals is both incomplete<br />
<strong>and</strong> unclear. The Jesuit Relations do not separate the numbers of existing Huron<br />
Christians in certain villages from the numbers of new Seneca converts. Similarly, a<br />
“parish register” that would give a count of practicing Christian families does not<br />
appear to exist. Sometimes the Jesuit Relations distinguish those who died after<br />
baptism from those who survived—but not always. Thus, without exact knowledge of<br />
a given village’s population, it is hard to have a clear picture as to how many<br />
Christians there were compared to the “non-converted.”<br />
However, archaeology has yielded considerable insight regarding Seneca<br />
settlement patterns. If we re-visit V<strong>and</strong>rei, he suggests that each major village site<br />
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