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America's Money Machine

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196 PART III/DEBACLE OF AN IDEA<br />

nor borrowers put their names to loans, for enterprises for which they see<br />

no demand. As he stated in an address to the Utah Educational Association<br />

in October of 1933, "A bank cannot finance the building of more<br />

factories and more rental properties and more homes when half of our<br />

productive property is idle for lack of consumption and a large percentage<br />

of our business properties are vacant, for the want of paying ten­<br />

ants."3<br />

Eccles' solution· to this problem was for the government itself to embark<br />

on large-scale spending. He declared that "the fundamental economic<br />

plans, when they are finally established, will ofnecessity center on<br />

the distribution of purchasing power and in the allocation of income<br />

between investment and expenditure. So long as money is used as the<br />

means ofdistribution and ofallocation, the fundamental economic plans<br />

will be plans for determining the flow ofmoney. These plans will involve<br />

public and semipublic expenditures on an expanding scale for cultural<br />

and quasi-cultural services. They will involve relief of taxation that rests<br />

on the consumer; the reduction of sales taxes, of real estate taxes, of<br />

tariffs, and ofpublic service charges. They will involve the establishment<br />

ofheavy income taxes, especially in the upper income brackets. They will<br />

involve heavy taxation ofundistributed corporate surplus to force corporation<br />

income into dividends and wages. These plans for determining the<br />

flow of money are fundamental. Without them or their equivalent, no<br />

permanent adjustment can be made."4<br />

Eccles' novel views attracted the attention of Rexford Tugwell, one of<br />

the Roosevelt "brain trust," then Under Secretary of Agriculture, who<br />

invited him to Washington for a conference.<br />

It was a time when the tensions within the New Deal were strong, with<br />

Acheson, Sprague and Warburg holding the conservative fort and Warren,<br />

Hopkins and Wallace, supported by men like La Follette and Norris<br />

in the Senate, urging more vigorous government action. A friend of<br />

Eccles, a former governor of Utah, George Dern, was Secretary of War<br />

and Eccles' partner, E. G. Bennett, had been appointed a director of the<br />

newly created Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation. The liberals were<br />

in a dilemma. There were already doubts as to the efficacy of the gold<br />

buying policy. As Eccles stated,<br />

"They at least knew that ringing manifestos by themselves did not solve<br />

problems. The pressures ofhuman distress to which their work exposed<br />

them bore home the painful lesson that the task of removing fear and<br />

want from the land could not be accomplished within the framework of<br />

a balanced budget. On the other hand, they needed more than the doc-

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