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America's Money Machine

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210 PART III/DEBACLE OF AN IDEA<br />

business, was to continue downward until war influences again began to<br />

course through the economy in 1942.)<br />

Again, the nostrum for recovery, for which Eccles was the physician and<br />

the Federal Reserve the apothecary, was increased federal spendingwhat<br />

Eccles called "compensatory spending." Morgenthau, as the chief<br />

fiscal officer, in an address before the American Political Science Academy<br />

on November 10, 1937, had come out publicly for a balanced budget.<br />

This had been with Roosevelt's approval, for Morgenthau was always<br />

careful in clearing his positions with the President. Eccles, by his championship<br />

ofspending, was able to win over the vacillatory Roosevelt, and<br />

thus become practically the fiscal as well as monetary policy framer for<br />

the New Deal. In this he had the stout support ofHarry Hopkins, reputed<br />

author of the saying, "We will spend, spend, spend, and elect, elect,<br />

elect."<br />

Following a conference in Warm Springs with the President, in the<br />

following April, in which Eccles was joined by three other Roosevelt<br />

advisers, Leon Henderson, Aubrey W. Williams, and Beardsley Ruml,<br />

Roosevelt was won over, and in his message to Congress on the fourteenth<br />

he asked for resumption of large-scale spending.<br />

Eccles' rise to dominant influence in both fiscal and monetary policy<br />

was not without bruises. He was, as he states, "rapidly losing the few<br />

friends I had and influencing fewer people." Among those now in opposition<br />

to him was the powerfuljunior senator from Virginia, Harry F. Byrd,<br />

with whom he engaged in acrimonious debate, first by letters, and later<br />

by radio; Senator James F. Byrnes, later to become a Supreme Court<br />

justice (1941) and still later (1944) head of the Office of War Mobilization;<br />

and not least, Eccles' former chief and patron Henry Morgenthau.<br />

Eccles, it must be recognized, was not in the forefront ofhis times. An<br />

increasingly vocal element in Congress-representing an increasingly<br />

vocal element in the electorate-was showing increasing impatience at<br />

the failure of monetary policies to restore prosperity and to reduce the<br />

rolls of the jobless. Chief among these were Senator Elmer Thomas,<br />

father ofthe Thomas amendment, who succeeded in having reported out<br />

of his Senate Committee on Agriculture a bill that would have devalued<br />

the dollar by half, and made the Federal Reserve System responsible to<br />

restore prices to the 1926 level. 5 Fortunately, the bill was referred to the<br />

Committee on Banking and Currency for further consideration and so<br />

buried. A bill originally introduced by Congressman Charles G. Binderup<br />

of Nebraska proposed to deprive the Federal Reserve System ofall independence,<br />

by means of government purchase of all the stock, and by

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