Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID
Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID
Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID
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198 Janis B. Alcorn<br />
replace lost soil is inappropriate, because the (uncertain) repair process<br />
would not be so simple. Te'loms also protect watersheds. This function,<br />
likewise, is difficult to include in a cost-benefit framework.<br />
Huastec farmers are providing a valuable service to the State by<br />
retaining <strong>for</strong>est patches, but they receive no compensation from the<br />
State <strong>for</strong> maintaining genetic resources, <strong>for</strong> protecting watersheds, or<br />
<strong>for</strong> protecting soil resources <strong>for</strong> future use.<br />
Conclusion<br />
The benefits <strong>of</strong> low-input sustained yield land use systems that do<br />
not degrade fragile environments compared to short-term, high yield<br />
systems cannot be overlooked (Southgate and Disinger, 1987). It is<br />
important to mention the divergence in land use valuation criteria<br />
applied by different sectors <strong>of</strong> the population (de la Peila cited in<br />
Grindle, 1981). Commercial producers use pr<strong>of</strong>it to determine the best<br />
use <strong>of</strong> land; while small farmers value a land use by its ability to meet<br />
their own needs (both directly and indirectly through cash generated<br />
by farm products). In Mexico, land is also valued as leverage in conflicts<br />
between the rich and the poor. Unable to win wage improvements,<br />
rural workers have been able to win land though land re<strong>for</strong>m; the high<br />
value given land by small farmers has been validated in the political<br />
arena (De Rouffignac, 1985). Few farmers in the world today, however,<br />
are truly producing only at subsistence levels; <strong>for</strong> example, in Mexico<br />
only 15% <strong>of</strong> smallholders are judged to be subsistence farmers (Yates,<br />
1981). As consumers <strong>of</strong> purchased goods, peasants have become par-<br />
ticipants in the capitalist exchange economy. Smallholder land use<br />
reflects these two divergent sets <strong>of</strong> values (self sufficiency and cash<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>it).<br />
The Huastec case demonstrates that real farmers will dedicate part<br />
<strong>of</strong> their lands to low labor intensive, resource conservative structures<br />
that provide them with free access to subsistence goods and variable<br />
income, if reliable, pr<strong>of</strong>itable, labor intensive crops are part <strong>of</strong> a farm.<br />
The major advantages <strong>of</strong> including a <strong>for</strong>est grove component in a<br />
farmstead lie not in predictably high financial and potentially high<br />
economic returns, but in the conservation and subsistence benefits that<br />
are appreciated by small farmers.<br />
Systems mixing commercial and subsistence concerns should <strong>for</strong>m<br />
the essential basis <strong>for</strong> rural development programs. Programs could be<br />
designed to build on farmers' existing ef<strong>for</strong>ts to mix these two concerns.<br />
Development planners who recognize the need <strong>for</strong> subsistence produc-<br />
tion to complement cash crops have overlooked te'lom-like groves and<br />
instead have promoted the home garden, probably because it is tradi-