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Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID

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198 Janis B. Alcorn<br />

replace lost soil is inappropriate, because the (uncertain) repair process<br />

would not be so simple. Te'loms also protect watersheds. This function,<br />

likewise, is difficult to include in a cost-benefit framework.<br />

Huastec farmers are providing a valuable service to the State by<br />

retaining <strong>for</strong>est patches, but they receive no compensation from the<br />

State <strong>for</strong> maintaining genetic resources, <strong>for</strong> protecting watersheds, or<br />

<strong>for</strong> protecting soil resources <strong>for</strong> future use.<br />

Conclusion<br />

The benefits <strong>of</strong> low-input sustained yield land use systems that do<br />

not degrade fragile environments compared to short-term, high yield<br />

systems cannot be overlooked (Southgate and Disinger, 1987). It is<br />

important to mention the divergence in land use valuation criteria<br />

applied by different sectors <strong>of</strong> the population (de la Peila cited in<br />

Grindle, 1981). Commercial producers use pr<strong>of</strong>it to determine the best<br />

use <strong>of</strong> land; while small farmers value a land use by its ability to meet<br />

their own needs (both directly and indirectly through cash generated<br />

by farm products). In Mexico, land is also valued as leverage in conflicts<br />

between the rich and the poor. Unable to win wage improvements,<br />

rural workers have been able to win land though land re<strong>for</strong>m; the high<br />

value given land by small farmers has been validated in the political<br />

arena (De Rouffignac, 1985). Few farmers in the world today, however,<br />

are truly producing only at subsistence levels; <strong>for</strong> example, in Mexico<br />

only 15% <strong>of</strong> smallholders are judged to be subsistence farmers (Yates,<br />

1981). As consumers <strong>of</strong> purchased goods, peasants have become par-<br />

ticipants in the capitalist exchange economy. Smallholder land use<br />

reflects these two divergent sets <strong>of</strong> values (self sufficiency and cash<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>it).<br />

The Huastec case demonstrates that real farmers will dedicate part<br />

<strong>of</strong> their lands to low labor intensive, resource conservative structures<br />

that provide them with free access to subsistence goods and variable<br />

income, if reliable, pr<strong>of</strong>itable, labor intensive crops are part <strong>of</strong> a farm.<br />

The major advantages <strong>of</strong> including a <strong>for</strong>est grove component in a<br />

farmstead lie not in predictably high financial and potentially high<br />

economic returns, but in the conservation and subsistence benefits that<br />

are appreciated by small farmers.<br />

Systems mixing commercial and subsistence concerns should <strong>for</strong>m<br />

the essential basis <strong>for</strong> rural development programs. Programs could be<br />

designed to build on farmers' existing ef<strong>for</strong>ts to mix these two concerns.<br />

Development planners who recognize the need <strong>for</strong> subsistence produc-<br />

tion to complement cash crops have overlooked te'lom-like groves and<br />

instead have promoted the home garden, probably because it is tradi-

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