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Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID

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Transferring Traditional Technology 47<br />

neutral in this respect, neither are the technologies associated with their<br />

cultivation, and it may be possible to derive decent incomes with<br />

traditional, labor-intensive methods. Some land management proce-<br />

dures, such as materials transport, deep plowing, and compacting, favor<br />

powered equipment. But others, such as fine grading, selective culti-<br />

vation, and some types <strong>of</strong> excavating, are done efficiently by hand (e.g.,<br />

Coukis 1983; van Loon et al. 1979).<br />

Increasing production does not necessarily increase income. The<br />

harvests <strong>of</strong> fields and <strong>for</strong>ests must be channeled through exchange<br />

systems and since producers <strong>of</strong>ten have no control over markets or<br />

prices, increasing output may not result in significant increases in<br />

income (Ortiz 1973). Even if markets are not manipulated increasing<br />

supplies <strong>of</strong> commodities can weaken prices. Thus the income question<br />

actually has two parts: can traditional managers drive their resources<br />

to higher levels <strong>of</strong> productivity? And if they do, will they realize rewards<br />

commensurate with their ef<strong>for</strong>ts? Although questions <strong>of</strong> production<br />

rightly belong in a discussion <strong>of</strong> technology, questions <strong>of</strong> rewards lie<br />

beyond the farmers' fields, and solutions are found outside the realm<br />

<strong>of</strong> technology.<br />

Conservation<br />

An enduring myth is that traditional land managers live in mystic<br />

harmony with nature, attuned to natural laws and flows, and are<br />

culturally conditioned to husband their scarce resources. The myth does<br />

not square with the record: traditional managers past and present have<br />

proven quite as capable <strong>of</strong> destroying their resource bases as modem<br />

commercial farmers (although lacking powerfbl equipment, they are<br />

perhaps less efficient at it).<br />

Farmers everywhere <strong>of</strong>ten respond to factors outside local systems.<br />

For example, in many parts <strong>of</strong> the tropics population pressure has<br />

driven traditional cultivators to destroy upland <strong>for</strong>ests with subsequent<br />

degradation <strong>of</strong> soil and water resources. Similarly modern mid-latitude<br />

farmers, under pressure from government programs or to preserve<br />

income levels, plow and plant until erosion accelerates to unacceptable<br />

levels (e.g., Brink et al. 1977; Brown 1981; 1987; Carter 1977). Both<br />

groups are aware <strong>of</strong> the consequences <strong>of</strong> their actions, but ignore long-<br />

term costs in response to external pressures.<br />

Some traditional methods are ecologically sound not because <strong>of</strong><br />

inherent conservation techniques but because <strong>of</strong> the small scale <strong>of</strong><br />

ecosystem disruption. The traditional agr<strong>of</strong>orestry system known as<br />

shifting (swidden; slash-and-burn) cultivation is a good example: as<br />

long as only a fraction <strong>of</strong> a <strong>for</strong>est is under cultivation and fallow

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