Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID
Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID
Fragile Lands of Latin America Strategies for ... - PART - USAID
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Transferring Traditional Technology 47<br />
neutral in this respect, neither are the technologies associated with their<br />
cultivation, and it may be possible to derive decent incomes with<br />
traditional, labor-intensive methods. Some land management proce-<br />
dures, such as materials transport, deep plowing, and compacting, favor<br />
powered equipment. But others, such as fine grading, selective culti-<br />
vation, and some types <strong>of</strong> excavating, are done efficiently by hand (e.g.,<br />
Coukis 1983; van Loon et al. 1979).<br />
Increasing production does not necessarily increase income. The<br />
harvests <strong>of</strong> fields and <strong>for</strong>ests must be channeled through exchange<br />
systems and since producers <strong>of</strong>ten have no control over markets or<br />
prices, increasing output may not result in significant increases in<br />
income (Ortiz 1973). Even if markets are not manipulated increasing<br />
supplies <strong>of</strong> commodities can weaken prices. Thus the income question<br />
actually has two parts: can traditional managers drive their resources<br />
to higher levels <strong>of</strong> productivity? And if they do, will they realize rewards<br />
commensurate with their ef<strong>for</strong>ts? Although questions <strong>of</strong> production<br />
rightly belong in a discussion <strong>of</strong> technology, questions <strong>of</strong> rewards lie<br />
beyond the farmers' fields, and solutions are found outside the realm<br />
<strong>of</strong> technology.<br />
Conservation<br />
An enduring myth is that traditional land managers live in mystic<br />
harmony with nature, attuned to natural laws and flows, and are<br />
culturally conditioned to husband their scarce resources. The myth does<br />
not square with the record: traditional managers past and present have<br />
proven quite as capable <strong>of</strong> destroying their resource bases as modem<br />
commercial farmers (although lacking powerfbl equipment, they are<br />
perhaps less efficient at it).<br />
Farmers everywhere <strong>of</strong>ten respond to factors outside local systems.<br />
For example, in many parts <strong>of</strong> the tropics population pressure has<br />
driven traditional cultivators to destroy upland <strong>for</strong>ests with subsequent<br />
degradation <strong>of</strong> soil and water resources. Similarly modern mid-latitude<br />
farmers, under pressure from government programs or to preserve<br />
income levels, plow and plant until erosion accelerates to unacceptable<br />
levels (e.g., Brink et al. 1977; Brown 1981; 1987; Carter 1977). Both<br />
groups are aware <strong>of</strong> the consequences <strong>of</strong> their actions, but ignore long-<br />
term costs in response to external pressures.<br />
Some traditional methods are ecologically sound not because <strong>of</strong><br />
inherent conservation techniques but because <strong>of</strong> the small scale <strong>of</strong><br />
ecosystem disruption. The traditional agr<strong>of</strong>orestry system known as<br />
shifting (swidden; slash-and-burn) cultivation is a good example: as<br />
long as only a fraction <strong>of</strong> a <strong>for</strong>est is under cultivation and fallow