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TRANSPLANTED IRISH INSTITUTIONS - University of Canterbury

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74<br />

march through main streets, besides the practical aspect <strong>of</strong> reaching a specific destination,<br />

also had the added effect <strong>of</strong> highlighting the Irish Catholic community's right to use public<br />

space.<br />

In this sense the local community and the Orange Institution were forced to<br />

recognize their existence even though recognition did not mean acceptance. Movement in<br />

a public space by both Irish Catholics and Irish Protestant groups signified their existence<br />

as separate groups in the community which had their own beliefs and culture.<br />

The parades <strong>of</strong> the predominantly Irish Catholic and Irish Protestant institutions<br />

promoted the solidarity <strong>of</strong> the participants but not the community, or simply "solidarity<br />

without consensus. "25 Unlike the example <strong>of</strong> an American parade that involved the local<br />

community in which the costs <strong>of</strong> the parade were met by the local authority, parades by<br />

Orangemen or collective marches by Irish Catholics were exclusive events. 26 Steven Lukes<br />

commented on the effects <strong>of</strong> an Orange parade in Northern Ireland- "In this case, collective<br />

effervescences serve not to unite the community but to strengthen the dominant groups<br />

within it. Ritual here exacerbates social conflict and works against (some aspects <strong>of</strong>) social<br />

integration. "27<br />

A similar conclusion could be drawn from the New Zealand experience<br />

where these groups <strong>of</strong> Irish were continuing to hold on to their traditions in the face <strong>of</strong> a<br />

'British' culture that in theory saw no distinction between Irish and English.<br />

Generally<br />

'British' really meant English, which saw British culture as superior whilst the Irish culture<br />

and tradition were derided, (as depicted in the Victorian cartoons in the nineteenth century,<br />

which showed the Irish as being ape-like in appearance).28<br />

The Irish Catholics were seen as being on the outer <strong>of</strong> society and so their<br />

integration into the general community was not always successful. Although on the surface<br />

the very content <strong>of</strong> the parades by Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants had an air <strong>of</strong><br />

25~.:_£iL Kertzer, p. 67.<br />

26For an analysis <strong>of</strong> the nature and meaning <strong>of</strong> American parades see Mary Ryan, The American Parade:<br />

Representatives <strong>of</strong> the Nineteenth-Century Social Order', in Lynn Hunt (ed.), The New Cultural History,<br />

Berkeley, <strong>University</strong> <strong>of</strong> California Press, 1989. Also, Susan O. Davis, Parades and Power: Street Theatre<br />

in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia, Philadelphia. Temple <strong>University</strong> Press, 1986.<br />

27QQ.,...9!. Lukes, p. 300.<br />

28See L. Perry Curtis Jr., Apes and Angels: The Irishman in Victorian Caricature. Washington,<br />

Smithsonian Institution Press, 1971.

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