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For example, the United States started with strong institutions at the beginning<br />

of the 19th century but saw those institutions break down as the polarization over<br />

slaveholding grew more acute.<br />

This presents the delicate issue of whether to intercede externally in a country’s<br />

dynamics in order to ensure stability, or instead, to allow the country to learn<br />

on its own how to manage its conflicts. Might it be better to let it fail in some<br />

way to increase the incentive to learn how to manage issue factionalism properly?<br />

Goldstone suggested that this dilemma might be eased if external ef<strong>for</strong>ts provide<br />

local leaders with the proper skill set to work through their own resolutions of<br />

emerging conflicts, such as along the lines of the leadership training done by the<br />

<strong>Wilson</strong> <strong>Center</strong> (discussed under Part III).<br />

Any agreements that are reached then need to be carried out. Because <strong>fragile</strong><br />

<strong>states</strong> cannot hold themselves accountable in most cases, Marshall urged outside<br />

parties to work to arrange accountability guarantees. In addition to effective<br />

mediation, in the new democracy-dominant world system, another way parties<br />

can be held to their commitments is election assistance and monitors. The overall<br />

point is to build effective institutions that serve as tools <strong>for</strong> addressing conflicts,<br />

whether they are issues of democracy, social service, or economic policy. Aid to<br />

build capable institutions can be especially effective, as increased state capacity is<br />

largely associated with decreasing fragility.<br />

One key institution is the military. Reducing the tendency to rely on coercive<br />

policies can be done by professionalizing the military, commonly known as security<br />

sector re<strong>for</strong>m (SSR). Rather than looking to provide security guarantees in<br />

situations that are out of control, international actors should regard them as a last<br />

resort. What is more effective is preventing the state from cracking down on oppositions<br />

by keeping the military in the barracks until the emotional moments of<br />

a crisis have passed. “Riled up masses will calm down eventually if not confronted<br />

by a show of extreme coercion, whereas harsh repression can escalate into open<br />

warfare,” Marshall asserted.<br />

While there has been some progress in recent years in addressing the peculiar<br />

characteristics of <strong>fragile</strong> and failed <strong>states</strong>, most US and international policies are<br />

not oriented to their special features. For example, the distribution of <strong>for</strong>eign aid is<br />

largely random. Ideally, the <strong>states</strong> that are lowest in capacity and the most <strong>fragile</strong><br />

would be getting the bulk of the aid, but the reality is quite different. Many <strong>states</strong><br />

ranking high in fragility receive far less than they should be receiving in view of<br />

their poor per<strong>for</strong>mance. While Afghanistan is an aid darling, countries like Togo<br />

are off the radar screen. Also, due to lack of a supportive policy environment to<br />

begin with, a <strong>fragile</strong> state cannot be relied on to use aid investments wisely or<br />

properly. Yet other countries receive aid far in excess of what they should, despite<br />

their lack of adequate capacity to absorb or use it properly. An effective amount of<br />

26 | Engaging Fragile States:An <strong>International</strong> Policy Primer

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