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operations within their territory. As mentioned earlier, Tshombe wanted a federal union and local autonomy somewhat similar to that in America. Commenting on his vision for the future, Tshombe explained: Katanga is nearly as large as France. Our people have a different history, traditions, and outlook from those of the Congo. Every people has the right to its own self-determination. There is no reason why we should be exploited by the Congo. Because we were in the past is no reason why we should be in the future. 4 [Italics added.] This attitude was even written into the newly established constitution. Article I read: "The State of Katanga adheres to the principle of the association with the other regions of the former Belgian Congo, provided they themselves are politically organized with respect to law and order." 5 As we have already seen, however, the central government had other plans--and so did the United Nations. As to what those intentions were, one cannot readily find them in the high-sounding phrases and self-righteous platitudes of official United Nations proclamations. They are there, but one has to be experienced in the highly complex art of reading bureaucratese. While most human beings communicate with each other to convey ideas, politicians are prone to use language as a means of concealing ideas. An example of this planned deception is the blatant contradiction between the United Nations public pronouncements regarding Katanga and its actual performance. On July 14, 1960 (the same day that the Security Council passed the first resolution condemning Belgium and authorizing the use of United Nations troops in the Congo), and again on July 20, Dag Hammarskjold stated the UN's position: 1. The United Nations force could not intervene in the internal affairs of the Congo. 2. It would not be used to settle the Congo's constitutional issue. 3. It would not be used to end Katanga's secession. 6 In July, Ralph Bunche (as special United Nations representative for Hammarskjold) told Tshombe that the United Nations force "has received strict instructions not to intervene in the internal politics of the country." 7 On August 9 the Security Council passed another resolution which "reaffirms that the UN Congo force will not be a party to, or in any way intervene in, or be used to influence the outcome of, any internal conflict, constitutional or otherwise." 8 In speaking specifically about Katanga's secession, Dag Hammarskjold said: This is an internal political problem to which the UN as an organization obviously cannot be a party. Nor would the entry of the UN force in Katanga mean any taking of sides in the conflict to which I have just referred. Nor should it be permitted to shift the weight between personalities or groups or schools of thought in a way which would prejudice the solution of the internal political problem. 9 Nothing could have been plainer than that. Yet immediately United Nations troops began to move into position for entry into Katanga. Tshombe was leery of the whole operation
and protested to Hammarskjold that since everything was calm and peaceful in his province, there was no need for United Nations "peacekeeping" forces. On August 12 Hammarskjold personally conveyed his assurances to Tshombe that the United Nations would "not he used on behalf of the central government to force the provisional government of Mr. Tshombe to a specific line of action." 10 With these solemn pledges and under Hammarskjold’s insistence, Tshombe had no alternative short of armed resistance but to allow UN troops access to Katanga. They came by the thousands. As mentioned earlier, Katanga was at peace. There were other places throughout the Congo that were in far greater need of UN forces than Katanga. Kasai province was in the throes of civil war and the countryside was literally red with blood, but the UN sent troops to Katanga. Stanleyville was a nightmare of lawlessness and violence, but the UN sent troops to Katanga. Away from the metropolitan areas the practice of cannibalism was being revived and missionaries were being slaughtered by the score, but the UN sent troops to Katanga. By September 1961 between twelve thousand and fourteen thousand troops, by far the greater portion of the entire United Nations force, had been concentrated inside peaceful Katanga. 11 Why were they there? Only a fool could believe that their purpose was anything other than to end Katanga's secession and to bring it back under the central government. Tshombe was no fool. In spite of the grim implications of the arrival of UN military might, he somehow managed to keep his composure and even his sense of humor. The first United Nations troops to arrive at Elisabethville's airport on August 12 were supposedly Dag Hammarskjold’s personal bodyguard. When they landed Tshombe greeted them and the accompanying dignitaries by handing them each tourist brochures entitled - 'Elisabethville Welcomes You." 12 Then, before anyone could object, the honor guard led by Belgian officers presented the Katangese colors while a band played the newly written Katangese national anthem. What a picture that must have been--United Nations soldiers, officers and dignitaries standing rigidly at attention before a fluttering flag symbolizing the very sovereignty which they bad been sent to destroy. At this point in the drama it becomes necessary to introduce a third character--Conor Cruise O'Brien. Mr. O'Brien was formerly an Irish delegate to the General Assembly of the UN before being requested by Dag Hammarskjold to join his executive staff in the Secretariat as special advisor on African affairs. From here he was assigned to the Congo where he personally directed the United Nations political operation in Katanga. When it was discovered that he had imported his Irish girl friend to Katanga, and when she found herself unexpectedly in the news as part of an international incident, O'Brien was recalled to New York and allowed to resign. There were other good reasons for getting rid of O'Brien, too. For one thing, he was too outspoken and it soon became obvious that he had to be removed. He was not the first underling in the UN to he thrown to the wolves in order to save the reputation of a higher official. Fortunately, however, O'Brien decided to write a book about the Katanga affair. It is a treasure of little glimpses into the innermost workings of the mind of an "international servant." He was and is a fierce advocate of the United Nations. He clings to all of the intellectual fallacies about the United Nations which will be the subject of a later chapter.
Page 1 and 2: CONTENTS PREFACE FOREWORD PART I -
Page 3 and 4: FOREWORD On April 24, 1955, the Com
Page 5 and 6: PART I KATANGA A Case History Regre
Page 7 and 8: half of his face and skull. A few s
Page 9 and 10: If the Congo does go Communist, it
Page 11 and 12: Lumumba was actually in support of
Page 13 and 14: It did not take very long. A few da
Page 15 and 16: chaos to justify the harsh police-s
Page 17 and 18: NOTES 1. For background see Congres
Page 19: Letter to Patrice Lumumba Whenever
Page 23 and 24: And on the word politique his brown
Page 25 and 26: e kept in mind. The most important
Page 27 and 28: We know only too well that UN force
Page 29 and 30: Here was a giant step toward unity
Page 31 and 32: the late Dag Hammarskjold. The Mosc
Page 33 and 34: 12. Lessing, p. 143. 13. Senator Th
Page 35 and 36: The contradictions and equivocation
Page 37 and 38: would send down a commissaire d’e
Page 39 and 40: the home of a Dr. and Mrs. Szeles,
Page 41 and 42: week after the United Nations had l
Page 43 and 44: 21. In addition to news reporters,
Page 45 and 46: What kind of troops were these that
Page 47 and 48: lind "killing and wounding--even in
Page 49 and 50: 6. Hempstone, pp. 178-179. 7. Senat
Page 51 and 52: PART II THE MASTER PLANNERS Communi
Page 53 and 54: Dictatorship can be established onl
Page 55 and 56: In confirmation of Cvetic's testimo
Page 57 and 58: Commerce, the Farm Bureau, and the
Page 59 and 60: Let none but Americans stand guard
Page 61 and 62: should win. Much of this was implic
Page 63 and 64: lesser posts within the United Nati
Page 65 and 66: 13. Hearings before the House Commi
Page 67 and 68: Roosevelt had been inclined to prot
Page 69 and 70: Virginius Frank Coe: Coe was anothe
Page 71 and 72:
Subversion in Government Department
Page 73 and 74:
It takes the better part of a day t
Page 75 and 76:
employees loyalty board to hold hea
Page 77 and 78:
Jessup served as assistant secretar
Page 79 and 80:
26. Activities of U.S. Citizens Emp
Page 81 and 82:
the European center of nuclear rese
Page 83 and 84:
delegation upon hearing of my withd
Page 85 and 86:
Hungarian Freedom Fighters, was off
Page 87 and 88:
United States for resuming nuclear
Page 89 and 90:
NOTES 1. United Nations Guardian of
Page 91 and 92:
PART III PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE Unit
Page 93 and 94:
the name of the committee of public
Page 95 and 96:
security through governmental inter
Page 97 and 98:
principle, a public statement of ge
Page 99 and 100:
Since the United Nations claims tha
Page 101 and 102:
examination to define "fundamental
Page 103 and 104:
the Marxian point of view. . . . Th
Page 105 and 106:
peaceful solution to the conflicts
Page 107 and 108:
Touching on the subject of teaching
Page 109 and 110:
[Correct answer: "man-made."] Quest
Page 111 and 112:
possible with as little investment
Page 113 and 114:
11. Reuter's dispatch datelined Sep
Page 115 and 116:
was the man who introduced legislat
Page 117 and 118:
"mental case" with no formal charge
Page 119 and 120:
ever reaches the point where it is
Page 121 and 122:
Today and Tomorrow (New York, Harpe
Page 123 and 124:
This, of course, is exactly what ha
Page 125 and 126:
Washington. These bridges still sta
Page 127 and 128:
Secretly directing the anti-Communi
Page 129 and 130:
On November 12, 1951, General Matth
Page 131 and 132:
7. Department of State Bulletin (De
Page 133 and 134:
Shall we acquire the means of effec
Page 135 and 136:
India or Communist Poland, and thes
Page 137 and 138:
This concept of limited government
Page 139 and 140:
do a thing like that? And how many
Page 141 and 142:
18. As quoted by Clarence Manion, "
Page 143 and 144:
All of this, of course, was no mere
Page 145 and 146:
fund would need five billion dollar
Page 147 and 148:
from an executive agreement, a high
Page 149 and 150:
8. J. B. Matthews, "The World Healt
Page 151 and 152:
capacity to feed and support their
Page 153 and 154:
5. Invite five thousand Soviet "tou
Page 155 and 156:
Commenting on President Kennedy’s
Page 157 and 158:
It is a legitimate American nationa
Page 159 and 160:
For years, the master planners have
Page 161 and 162:
We shall nobly save or meanly lose
Page 163 and 164:
somehow prevent those units from wa
Page 165 and 166:
the following question: "Would it b
Page 167 and 168:
When the UN finally topples, it wil
Page 169 and 170:
complains about being subject to "a
Page 171:
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