G. Edward Griffin - The Fearful Master - PDF Archive

Since the United States is, at the present time, the only nation on earth that offers the
potential of real resistance to the Communist plan of world conquest, the UN blueprint has
been primarily designed for us. The Communists know that if they can just get America to
step completely into the cage the rest of the world will be theirs. And so, in practical terms,
the master plan can be further simplified and condensed into just one simple objective: to
gain full working control of the UN and, at the same time, to entice the United States to
gradually surrender its sovereignty to this world government.
With the blueprint clearly before them, the Communists next launched a massive
propaganda campaign to sell the UN to the American people. The April 1945 issue of the
Communist periodical Political Affairs set the pace with the following directive:
The major question for us in connection with the San Francisco
Conference is to assure the adherence of the United States to the World
Security Organization, in the spirit of the policies formulated in the
Crimea Declaration [at which time it was decided to form the UN]. We
have come a long way along this path. But the final battle has not yet
been won, although we are in an extremely favorable position to destroy
the remaining bridgeheads of opposition. In his address to the National
Committee of the Communist Political Association in March 1945, Earl
Browder [head of the Communist party in the U.S.] signalized the
struggle for complete national adherence to the Crimea policies as
"America's decisive battle." At the time of the Moscow Conference in
October 1943, the Senate voted 85 to 5 in favor of United States
participation in a World Security Organization, even changing the
phraseology of its resolution to accord with the Moscow Declaration.
Only the diehard obstructionists voted against the resolution. . . .
Building up vast popular support of the Crimea policy would create the
best atmosphere for the United Nations meeting and for routing the
opposition. After the Charter is passed at San Francisco, it will have to
be approved by two thirds of the Senate, and this action will establish a
weighty precedent for other treaties and agreements still to come. But
the victory cannot be won in the Senate alone; it must emanate from the
organized and broadening national support built up for the President's
policy, on the eve of the San Francisco gathering and after. . . . Great
popular support and enthusiasm for the United Nations policies should
be built up, well organized and fully articulate. But it is also necessary to
do more than that. The opposition must be rendered so impotent that it
will be unable to gather any significant support in the Senate against the
United Nations Charter and the treaties which will follow. 14
Elsewhere in the same issue of Political Affairs, the Communists received detailed
instructions on how to capture this great popular support.
It is necessary to show convincingly that, in criticizing or directly
opposing the decisions of Crimea, these elements are opposing not only
London and Moscow, but also, and in the first place, Washington--our
Nation's foreign policy; that they are jeopardizing and obstructing
America's national interests. . . . In fact, around this single proposition, it
is now possible to enlist the active and coordinated support of every
major organization and group in the United States, ranging from
national, state, and local governmental bodies, the U.S. Chamber of