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G. Edward Griffin - The Fearful Master - PDF Archive

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principle, a public statement of general good intentions. It has no other meaning. <strong>The</strong><br />

covenants, on the other hand, correspond to legislation and would, if ratified by the<br />

member nations, become legally binding upon us. <strong>The</strong>y would completely override and<br />

replace our own Bill of Rights. It is not surprising, therefore, to discover that there is often<br />

quite a substantial difference between the wording of the Declaration of Human Rights<br />

and the draft covenants on human rights. <strong>The</strong> sweet-sounding, vague terminology of the<br />

declaration has been replaced by far more precise and enforceable language in the<br />

covenants. But in the case of the right to own property, the provision which appeared in<br />

the declaration, vanished altogether in the covenant!<br />

Dr. Charles Malik of Lebanon was the chairman of the United Nations Human Rights<br />

Commission. Writing in the United Nations Bulletin of September 1, 1952, be said:<br />

I think a study of our proceedings will reveal the amendments we<br />

adopted to the old text under examination, responded, for the most part,<br />

more to Soviet than to western promptings. . . . <strong>The</strong> concept of property<br />

and its ownership is at the heart of the ideological conflict of the present<br />

day. It was not only the Communist representatives who riddled this<br />

concept with questions and doubts; a goodly portion of the non-<br />

Communist world had itself succumbed to these doubts. A study of this<br />

particular debate will reveal the extent to which the non-Communist<br />

world has been communistically softened or frightened.<br />

He further stated that a "quiet revolution" had occurred with the emphasis shifting "with a<br />

vengeance" from personal liberty to "the adequate standard of living."<br />

It was nine years later, after this trend had gone even further, that United States<br />

Ambassador Adlai Stevenson said:<br />

<strong>The</strong> United Nations-- as an idea and as an institution-- is an extension<br />

of western ideas; of western belief in the worth and dignity of the<br />

individual; of western ideology. It is based on a western parliamentary<br />

tradition. Its roots are in the western ideal of representative government.<br />

When one stops to consider the philosophical foundation of the UN, it is<br />

easier to understand why Premier Khrushchev pounds the desk in<br />

frustration. 4<br />

That sound you just heard was George Washington and Thomas Jefferson turning over in<br />

their graves.<br />

In 1948 the United Nations subcommittee on information and of the press issued a<br />

proposed international convention supposedly to protect the right "to seek, receive and<br />

impart" information by word of mouth and by publication. It then proceeded to state that<br />

government has the- right to impose "penalties, liabilities and restrictions" as well as the<br />

"right of correction" whenever it felt that news had been reported falsely. 5 More recently<br />

the Preamble of the United Nations Convention on Freedom of Information was altered to<br />

contain this significant qualification: ". . . freedom of information and opinion accurate,<br />

objective and comprehensive." 6 [Italics added.]<br />

An excellent example of the kind of freedom of information the world could expect under<br />

future United Nations management was provided at a meeting of "psychiatrists and<br />

scientific authorities" held under the auspices of the UN World Health Organization (WHO)

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