G. Edward Griffin - The Fearful Master - PDF Archive

where they quickly received official accreditation. The Soviets lost no time in announcing
to the world that they now recognized Gizenga's regime as the "only legitimate
Government of the Congo." 3
With this background in mind it may still come as a shock to some to recall that at this
point the United Nations swung its full support and influence behind Gizenga and did
everything it could to hamper Colonel Mobutu and President Kasavubu. This is doubly
hard to justify because Mobutu and Kasavubu represented the central government, which
had called in the United Nations in the first place. Gizenga's little Communist satellite of
Orientale province was just as much secessionist as Katanga province had been. But the
United Nations made no effort to end Gizenga's secession. It passed no angry resolutions
in the Security Council. It initiated no massive troop movements. In fact, as has been
pointed out, it used what few troops it did have in Orientale province to protect Gizenga
and his followers. Stewart Alsop, writing in the Saturday Evening Post, described it this
way:
The United Nations policy has been, in essence, to immobilize the
forces controlled by the Kasavubu-Mobutu regime. . . . Dayal [United
Nations representative in the Congo] has ruled that Mobutu's army
should be permitted to make only minor troop movements. . . . With the
Kasavubu-Mobutu forces thus effectively hamstrung, and with help from
Egyptians and iron curtain money and technicians, Gizenga's rump pro-
Communist regime quickly consolidated its position. . . . Gizenga's
forces then began moving on neighboring Kivu and Katanga provinces.
The troop movements were by no means minor by Congolese
standards, but the United Nations did nothing. . . . Mobutu was certainly
a sad and harried man when I saw him. If the United Nations under
Dayal had not actively obstructed every move be made, he said, he
could have dealt in fairly short order with the Stanleyville dissidents. 4
While all this was going on, Moise Tshombe was making efforts of his own to reunite the
Congo along the federal lines previously discussed. On February 28 he met with a
representative of the central government and one from Kasai province. There was
immediate agreement on basic principles and the conference ended with all three signing
a mutual defense pact to prevent the establishment of what they referred to as a United
Nations "regime of tyranny." 5 On March 8 Tshombe convened a second conference, this
time expanded to include virtually every Congolese leader of importance except the
Communist Gizenga. Complete agreement was reached in record time. At the conclusion
of the third day, the conferees issued a communiqué revealing that they all endorsed
Tshombe's basic plan calling for a "community of Congolese states." There was to be a
central government at Leopoldville in a neutral zone similar to the District of Columbia.
Kasavubu was to remain president, serving on a council of states made up of the
presidents of the member states. Foreign policy, a general internal policy, currency and
military affairs would come under jurisdiction of this council of states. There were to be no
customs or immigration barriers between the states. It was obviously fashioned very
closely after the American pattern of government. In a final telegram to Dag
Hammarskjold, the Congolese leaders warned that the dispatch of more UN troops to the
Congo would "aggravate tension" between the United Nations and the Congolese
population. Tshombe said at the conclusion of the conference, "We have resolved our
problems ourselves and now we want both West and East to leave us alone." The Soviet
news agency Tass responded by denouncing the meeting as "a conference of puppets
and traitors." 6