Promoting IDPs' and Women's Voices in Post-Conflict Georgia

“The fact that in the recent period, the government started to privatize the collectivecenters to those people is encouraging since the people would have a sense ofownership of their property and hope for the future that something will change for thebetter.” 331This sense of hope could motivate some IDPs to more actively engage in the process of choosing amongdurable housing solutions.IDPs’ personal stories also highlight how they have overcome the inertia of poverty and other significantobstacles, taking agency in their own integration processes.“We moved from one location to another…humiliation was endless…and as a youngadult, teenager, you wanted to participate in social life but you didn’t have shoes towear, you don't have money, or even friends...it was not easy and there were no jobsand the only job I could get was with International Rescue Committee because theywere doing this kind of work.” 332This displaced woman was able to find a job despite the significant challenges she faced. IDP families’emphasis on their children’s education also serves as one example of how parents confront passivity byactively looking to the future, in spite of a less than hopeful outlook regarding their present situation.According to a younger IDP, “our parents make a big [investment] for us to receive education.” 333Education and employment serve as important avenues to provide hope and opportunity for IDPs, inaddition to exhibiting how they take action to promote their own integration.However, many IDPs continue to have limited access to employment, which can also can result in apessimistic approach that makes it difficult to look for a job. IDPs, and particularly men, are less eagerto take on jobs that are lower skilled than the jobs they left behind before the war. Also, IDPs who residein locations that are isolated from employment opportunities may be discouraged from working. Arepresentative from the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) in Zugdidi, Mzevi Jojua, provided an example oftheir efforts to provide new jobs to 150 IDPs in approximately 100 collective centers. Almost all of theIDPs refused the 38 low-skilled positions that were created (such as positions as drivers or cementmixers). 334 IDPs mainly rejected these jobs because they lived too far from the business locations, andalso that they risk losing their monthly government stipends if they get a job. This case reveals thatpassivity may actually be a practical response to the inadequacy of opportunity available to IDPs.In larger Georgian society, IDP passivity sometimes translates into perceptions of IDP needs being anextra burden on an already resource-strained Georgian society. Much of the population grapples with331 Young Woman IDP Student (Old Wave), Focus Group, 22 March 2012332 NGO Leader, Personal Interview (Thea Masuradze, Coalition for Justice)333 Young Old Wave IDP Male, Focus Group, 12 March 2012334 Mzevi Jojua, Personal Interview.64