Promoting IDPs' and Women's Voices in Post-Conflict Georgia

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especially highly-influential broadcast media. 443 Georgian civil society actors in general share thisproblem. While events in Abkhazia are present in the daily news cycle, stories about IDPs usually arenot. This enforces the public perception that the conflict is primarily about territory, rather than people.These factors combine to marginalize IDPs in the minds of policymakers, adding little incentive to pushto open more pathways for IDPs to be included in policymaking. This points to the need for IDPs to raiseawareness about their situation and needs in a way that demonstrates solidarity and integration withthe rest of the Georgian population. IDPs must draw attention to their cause so that the public sees theirinterest in improving life in Georgia for all, rather than as an indolent group seeking handouts.Information and Understanding Regarding Political ToolsAs noted in the previous sections, many IDPs seem not to have acquired the habits of politicalparticipation in part due to the legacy of the Soviet system and previous voting restrictions. 444 Inaddition to creating psychological barriers to participation, this history has practical impacted IDPs’understanding of how to participate in civic life. 445 It seems that new projects based around socialmobilization theory may successfully foster leadership skills among IDPs, and in particular women IDPs,that will allow them to become leaders in their communities. Eventually, this skill set and experiencemay translate into leadership skills that could translate into the skills and impetus to become moreregularly politically active.Because few displaced persons hold prominent public positions, many IDPs lack role models that canprovide them with guidance in becoming active and organized, as well as confidence to pursue theirrights in spite of the limiting factors that many IDPs face. This is particularly true for women IDPs, asGeorgian women in general have few role models serving as examples of successful and admirablewomen in politics. When asked, most of our Georgian women interviewees, IDP or not, had difficultyidentifying female role models in politics; several named current Deputy Chairperson of the Parliamentand Chair of the parliamentary Gender Advisory Council Rusudan Kervarishvili. Moreover, IDPs haveaccess to limited networks to help them learn to be politically successful.Relationship Between Civil Society and GovernmentDisinterest, distrust, and at worst, antagonism seem to characterize civil society’s and government’srelationship. As a senior fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studiesexplains, Georgia is still “very far from the ideal situation where cooperation between civil society and443 In its 2011 “Freedom in the World” report, Freedom House noted that media freedom remains a challenge in Georgia.Freedom House. “Georgia.” Freedom in the World 2011. Freedom House, 2011. Web. Senior fellow, Personal Interview; TinaGewis, Personal Interview.444 Logically, this legacy would affect old-wave IDPs more than new-wave due to the timing of displacement. However, detailedanalysis supporting this hypothesis is not available.445 Eka Gvalia, Personal Interview.85
government [exists].” 446 A Georgian NGO representative observes that the government seeks tomarginalize civil society and neutralize its influence by simply ignoring it. Several interviewees supportedthis observation, noting how difficult it is for IDP NGOs to obtain necessary information fromgovernment sources or to gain access to officials. 447 The lack of open communication and partnershipbetween all levels of government and civil society organizations representing IDPs severely limits IDPs’opportunity to play a meaningful role in policymaking processes. It seems that the government fails torealize that NGOs hold vital expertise, knowledge and access that could help the government to improvedesign and implementation of policies related to IDPs. Moreover, government officials seem to perceivecivil society as a threat to their power, preventing them from treating NGOs as essential partners. 448The other side of the coin is that IDP NGOs frequently do not address the government effectively orinspire the government’s confidence in their ability to act as substantive partners. Weaknesses in civilsociety – such as lack of unity, capacity, broad, well-defined policy goals, and other factors that havebeen discussed in previous sections – prohibit IDP civil society from building cooperative relationshipswith government institutions. Those NGOs who find themselves in the good graces of governmentofficials or bodies also tend to blunt their criticism of government activities in order to maintain theirfavored status. 449 In sum, critical lack of confidence exists between civil society organizations andgovernment bodies, with the effect of marginalizing IDP voices in policymaking.The Politics of PeacemakingPolitical considerations related to foreign policy, and particularly to the “frozen” peace process, sharplylimit IDPs’ opportunities to participate in decision-making around one of the primary issues ofimportance to them – the right to return. Though IDP issues are less politicized than in the past, withgreater space for discussion of IDP integration, the right to return remains inextricably tied to a politicalresolution with Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Russia. IDPs figure significantly in the official rhetoricdefining the Georgian government’s approach to the peace processes with the two breakaway regions.Given the imperative of regaining territorial integrity, the current government seeks to control thisrhetoric in the process of peacemaking. With so much at stake, the government is not eager to enlargethe group of stakeholders able to directly influence the peace process.A senior government official affirmed that IDPs must participate in any discussion of the status of thepeace talks. 450 However, a staff member from the Office of the Public Defender remarked that IDPs haveonly been engaged with the peace processes in “very discrete initiatives but not at systematic levels.” 451A senior fellow at the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies presented the likely446 Senior Fellow, Personal Interview.447 Georgian NGO representative, personal interview.448 Senior Fellow, Personal Interview; Georgian NGO representative, personal interview.449 Eka Gvalia, Personal Interview.450 Senior Government Official, Personal Interview.451 Staff member, Office of the Public Defender, Personal Interview.86
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Promoting IDPs’ and Women’s Voi
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CONTENTSAcronyms and Abbreviations
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARYInternally displac
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THE WOMEN’S POLITICAL RESOURCE CE
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fair reporting on politically sensi
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people-to-people diplomacy efforts
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and the Guiding Principles, in Febr
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an effort to address these stereoty
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The identities, perceptions, and re
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even IDPs themselves. The HRBA seek
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Karaleti settlement, and Potskho-Et
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displacement differently, with men
Page 26 and 27:
on an equal footing with men in for
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The Ministry for Internally Displac
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Defender’s Office) and leave no r
Page 32 and 33:
prominent national level IDP NGO wo
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in the past but none have yet to be
Page 36 and 37: Grassroots Peacebuilding EffortsCiv
Page 38 and 39: esettlement and local integration h
Page 40 and 41: ability to contribute to the new Ac
Page 42 and 43: Women convened a working group to a
Page 44 and 45: were involved, in addition to “wo
Page 46 and 47: towards addressing this population
Page 48 and 49: waves. 224 A Conciliation Resources
Page 50 and 51: governing shelter requirements. 238
Page 52 and 53: esults of eviction on those who did
Page 54 and 55: FINDINGSSIPA team member Drilon Gas
Page 56 and 57: unique opportunities exist for them
Page 58 and 59: an important opportunity for women
Page 60 and 61: early morning…when I was going to
Page 62 and 63: our office to investigate these iss
Page 64 and 65: on this? It’s impossible.” 322
Page 66 and 67: high levels of unemployment and pov
Page 68 and 69: groups do not differentiate between
Page 70 and 71: funding and influence to implement
Page 72 and 73: een in operation for two years or l
Page 74 and 75: organization, and highlighted that
Page 76 and 77: The Education System’s Influence
Page 78 and 79: system has an important role to pla
Page 80 and 81: Political FactorsMany elements of t
Page 82 and 83: international organizations working
Page 84 and 85: uling party. 433 There were some si
Page 88 and 89: ationale behind the government’s
Page 90 and 91: international working for a major d
Page 92 and 93: Also, according to a World Bank rep
Page 94 and 95: willing to challenge authorities th
Page 96 and 97: The lack of narrative connecting po
Page 98 and 99: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE GEORGIAN GO
Page 100 and 101: the government also needs to commit
Page 102 and 103: ‣ Continue to support and expand
Page 104 and 105: ‣ Address male IDP needs (Immedia
Page 106 and 107: The campaign should have a face, su
Page 108 and 109: APPENDIX BList of IntervieweesLocal
Page 110 and 111: Kristy KellyLincoln MitchellLawrenc
Page 112 and 113: Article 10 - Non-discrimination in
Page 114 and 115: Principle 18.1 - Adequate standard
Page 116 and 117: Esaiashvili, Mariam (Official, Mini
Page 118 and 119: Lanskoy, Miriam and Giorgi Areshidz
Page 120: Transparency International Georgia.
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Promoting IDPs' and Women's Voices in Post-Conflict Georgia

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