Promoting IDPs' and Women's Voices in Post-Conflict Georgia

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THE WOMEN’S POLITICAL RESOURCE CENTERThis project aligns with the Women’s Political Resource Center’s broader goal of supporting women’sand vulnerable populations’ political participation. Originally founded as the Feminist Club organizationin 1998, WPRC has since developed into a coalition of non-governmental organizations and individuals.The WPRC’s main objectives are to politically empower women in Georgia and to achieve genderequality in the country. WPRC is headquartered in Tbilisi and has three regional offices, in Mtskheta(Mtskheta-Mtianeti region), Poti (Samegrelo region) and Kutaisi (Imereti region). 2In 2005, the organization was granted Consultative Status of the United Nations Economic and SocialCouncil and has as a result expanded its partnerships to a worldwide network of NGOs involved ininclusive relationships. WPRC initiated the creation of an international foundation in 2006, which,“provides technical assistance to women politicians and develops strategies to foster women'sempowerment and gender equality in democratic governance.” 3 In addition, WPRC is a member of theGender Advisory Council to the Georgian Parliament. The Gender Advisory Council brings togethergovernment and non-government representatives to discuss and make recommendations on genderissues and to ensure that the voice of women is equal to that of men in formulating public policy at boththe national and local level. 4 In the region, in 2010, WPRC led the launch of the Caucasian FeministInitiative, which incorporates organizations and individuals from Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. TheCenter is part of a network of 40 regional and Tbilisi-based women’s organizations. 5WPRC works for women’s human rights through conducting studies on women's issues and advocatinglegislative recommendations promoting gender equality. Besides providing technical assistance,conducting research, consulting and engaging in other analytical and educational activities, the WPRC isactive in conducting forums, lectures, media campaigns and public actions. 6 WPRC works closely withdifferent international NGOs and donors on forming public opinion regarding the participation ofwomen, ethnic minorities and internally displaced persons (IDPs) in political processes in Georgia. 7 PriorSIPA consulting teams have worked in cooperation with WPRC on projects concerning domestic violenceand trafficking in Georgia and on gender equality within the Georgian education system.2 "About Us." Womens Political Resource Center. Web. 03 Dec. 2011.3 Ibid.4 "Gender Advisory Council under the Chairperson of the Parliament of Georgia – the First Institutional Mechanism." Parliamentof Georgia. Web. 03 Dec. 2011..5 "Women's Political Resource Center (WPRC)." Peacebuilding Portal. Web. 03 Dec. 2011.6 "About Us." Womens Political Resource Center. Web. 03 Dec. 2011.7 "Women's Political Resource Center (WPRC)." Peacebuilding Portal.7
COUNTRY PROFILEPolitical ContextGeorgia has seen a turbulent past two decades. The country regained itsindependence in 1991 and shortly thereafter lapsed into civil conflictover Abkhazia; embarked on a program of accelerated state- anddemocracy-building with the Rose Revolution in 2004; and suffered amajor setback when war with Russia erupted in 2008.Establishing a democratic Georgian state following the fall of the SovietUnion presented an enormous challenge and continues to be a work inprogress. Over the past eight years, current President Mikheil Saakashvilihas embarked on ambitious political and economic reforms, including re-making the Georgian police,virtually eliminating everyday corruption, de-regulating the economy, and arresting oligarchic businessfigures. However, concerns have been raised over state-supported limitations on freedom of speech,state control of the Georgian media, and centralization of power, which has strengthened thepresidency at the expense of the legislature. 8 Issues of territorial integrity have compounded thechallenges of state building and retain great importance in political discourse.Georgian civil society proved its ability to have political and social impact in 2003 through its central rolein the Rose Revolution. Since then, however, it has lost much of its national influence due to political,social, and economic circumstances. UNDP’s Georgia Programme Country Action Plan sums it up: “thecivil society sector is yet to become systemic and influence players in policy development and decisionmaking.At the moment, the organizations lack concentration, capacity, and resources and oftenentertain donor-driven interest.” 9 Also, the Georgian Government appears to be generally reluctant toinvolve civil society organizations in the policymaking process, although it has recently made certainimprovements in this area.Public confidence in civil society institutions other than the Georgian Orthodox Church is quite low.While relatively few Georgians participate in NGOs and other civil society groups, non-institutionalizedparticipation (in neighborhood or community groups, etc.) is quite high, at 7.1%. 10Media freedom in particular continues to be a concern, as it seems to be decreasing in Georgia. GlobalIntegrity found in 2009 that Georgian media, especially broadcast media, faces obstacles to producing8 Mitchell, 70. (“Georgia Postbellum”); De Waal, 6,9.9 Government of Georgia and United Nations Development Programme, Georgia. Country Programme Action Plan Between theGovernment of Georgia and the United Nations Development Programme, 2011-2015. Tbilisi: United Nations DevelopmentProgram, Georgia, 2011. Web. 26 Nov. 2011.10 Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development and CIVICUS, 428
Page 2 and 3: Promoting IDPs’ and Women’s Voi
Page 4 and 5: CONTENTSAcronyms and Abbreviations
Page 6 and 7: EXECUTIVE SUMMARYInternally displac
Page 10 and 11: fair reporting on politically sensi
Page 12 and 13: people-to-people diplomacy efforts
Page 14 and 15: and the Guiding Principles, in Febr
Page 16 and 17: an effort to address these stereoty
Page 18 and 19: The identities, perceptions, and re
Page 20 and 21: even IDPs themselves. The HRBA seek
Page 22 and 23: Karaleti settlement, and Potskho-Et
Page 24 and 25: displacement differently, with men
Page 26 and 27: on an equal footing with men in for
Page 28 and 29: The Ministry for Internally Displac
Page 30 and 31: Defender’s Office) and leave no r
Page 32 and 33: prominent national level IDP NGO wo
Page 34 and 35: in the past but none have yet to be
Page 36 and 37: Grassroots Peacebuilding EffortsCiv
Page 38 and 39: esettlement and local integration h
Page 40 and 41: ability to contribute to the new Ac
Page 42 and 43: Women convened a working group to a
Page 44 and 45: were involved, in addition to “wo
Page 46 and 47: towards addressing this population
Page 48 and 49: waves. 224 A Conciliation Resources
Page 50 and 51: governing shelter requirements. 238
Page 52 and 53: esults of eviction on those who did
Page 54 and 55: FINDINGSSIPA team member Drilon Gas
Page 56 and 57: unique opportunities exist for them
Page 58 and 59:
an important opportunity for women
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early morning…when I was going to
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our office to investigate these iss
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on this? It’s impossible.” 322
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high levels of unemployment and pov
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groups do not differentiate between
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funding and influence to implement
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een in operation for two years or l
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organization, and highlighted that
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The Education System’s Influence
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system has an important role to pla
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Political FactorsMany elements of t
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international organizations working
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uling party. 433 There were some si
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especially highly-influential broad
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ationale behind the government’s
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international working for a major d
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Also, according to a World Bank rep
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willing to challenge authorities th
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The lack of narrative connecting po
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RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE GEORGIAN GO
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the government also needs to commit
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‣ Continue to support and expand
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‣ Address male IDP needs (Immedia
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The campaign should have a face, su
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APPENDIX BList of IntervieweesLocal
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Kristy KellyLincoln MitchellLawrenc
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Article 10 - Non-discrimination in
Page 114 and 115:
Principle 18.1 - Adequate standard
Page 116 and 117:
Esaiashvili, Mariam (Official, Mini
Page 118 and 119:
Lanskoy, Miriam and Giorgi Areshidz
Page 120:
Transparency International Georgia.
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