Promoting IDPs' and Women's Voices in Post-Conflict Georgia

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groups do not differentiate between IDPs and other conflict-affected populations, however. Theythereby present an example of an advocacy effort that increases IDPs’ participation but not by rallyingaround their identity as IDPs. 344Also mentioned in a previous section, IDPs have the right to decide how they want to emotionallymanage their displacement and identity. They also have important choices about whether to actindividually or a collective group. Yet discrepancies exist between their identities as individuals and asmembers of an IDP community. One informal study conducted by Manana Gabashvili with theNorwegian Refugee Council demonstrates this tension, and highlights opportunities for new thinking onIDP identity. A group of 25 old-wave IDP women with jobs were asked to use words to identifythemselves and to identify IDPs as a group. Individually, the women would identify themselves withwords such as, “teacher,” “journalist,” and “strong.” Yet the same women would identify IDPs as agroup with words such as “helpless,” “hopeless” and “victims.” 345 Gabashvili’s survey illustrates howIDPs’ more positive individual identities differ from their less optimistic perception of IDPs as a group.This example sheds light on how these women see themselves and whether they would identify withthis group, which in turn influences how they choose to participate in public life.Closely related to IDPs’ contested personal and social identities is their fractured political identity. IDPsas a whole do not currently agree on one platform or one body to represent them politically; they donot represent a single constituency or voting bloc. There is no known study of IDPs’ political beliefs, butgiven the diversity among this population, we see no reason to believe that IDPs would necessarily sharea political ideology. Although IDPs do certainly share common interests in seeing a resolution theconflicts with Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region that would allow them to return andensuring they are provided with adequate support in their places of displacement, when it comes tospecific policies, it seems they have different interests even within these broad areas of agreement. Themajor division in this respect seems to be between old wave and new wave IDPs, but our overall findingssuggest that IDPs in different geographic areas and different living situations would have differentpolitical interests as well.An old wave IDP from Abkhazia who has spent the majority of his period of displacement in a collectivecenter in Tbilisi but now lives in private accommodation described the lack of political connection hefeels with new wave IDPs. Even after visiting a new wave IDP settlement, he said, although he saw thesimilarities between old wave and new wave IDPs trying to adapt to displacement, he did not feel astrong personal connection or solidarity with the new wave IDPs. “We are all refugees, we have oneview that we all have to go back to our homes, but what else?” he asked. 346344 Caroline Stampfer, Personal Interview.345 Manana Gabashvili, Personal Interview.346 David Chochia, Personal Interview.67
Those outside the IDP community agree that among IDPs, self-interest and concern for one’s immediatefamily reigns over collective political consciousness. One international NGO staffer linked this to theoverall low level of social solidarity and volunteerism in Georgia. 347 A representative from the GeorgianOmbudsman’s office noted that it is (understandably) much easier to mobilize IDPs around issuesrelated to their immediate self-interest than it is to organize them around abstract political goals. 348In general, it seems that IDPs living in private accommodations may be more likely than those living incollective centers to dissociate from this identity. One IDP living in private accommodation in Tbilisiconsidered this result to be all but inevitable and seemed to be resigned to it. 349 Another IDP fromAbkhazia said, “People who are like me - educated, good jobs - they don’t work on these issues. Theyhave made a conscious choice not to work on these issues...It’s so depressing.” 350 The relationship withthe trauma of displacement may influence this resistance to supporting an IDP political identity.Because of this lack of overarching unity and connection, IDPs have trouble building platforms aroundcommon causes rather than advocating based solely on personal or local experiences. Many young IDPsinterviewed in focus groups expressed a higher level of optimism about the potential for IDP politicalsolidarity than their older counterparts; however, studies show that IDP youth as a whole feel lessconnection to the IDP identity than the older generation.Opportunities to Encourage Political ParticipationWhile these identified psychosocial influences on IDP political participation present many barriers to IDPinclusion, they offer some opportunities as well. Some observers working on these issues believe that itis too late to build overall IDP solidarity that could translate into unified political action. This choiceabout if they should organize and how remains up to IDPs themselves. However, IDPs’ interest in beingactive in their own communities suggests that it may be most productive to work on building IDP unityand political consciousness at the local level through tangible community improvement projects.Institutional FactorsGovernment Institutions: State Capacity to Involve and Represent IDPsAlthough the Georgian government has increased its efforts to include IDP and women’s voices inpolicymaking in the past few years, it continues to face capacity constraints that inhibit the full inclusionof IDPs and women in the political process. The MRA in particular has begun to shift its approach fromfocusing solely on accommodations to providing more support to livelihoods initiative. Despite thecontinued goodwill on the part of MRA staff, a number of stakeholders agree that the ministry lacks the347 Tina Gewis, Personal Interview.348 Representative of the Office of the Ombudsman of Georgia, Personal Interview.349 David Chochia, Personal Interview.350 Thea Maisuradze, (IDP Woman), Personal Interview, 15 March 2012.68
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Promoting IDPs’ and Women’s Voi
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CONTENTSAcronyms and Abbreviations
Page 6 and 7:
EXECUTIVE SUMMARYInternally displac
Page 8 and 9:
THE WOMEN’S POLITICAL RESOURCE CE
Page 10 and 11:
fair reporting on politically sensi
Page 12 and 13:
people-to-people diplomacy efforts
Page 14 and 15:
and the Guiding Principles, in Febr
Page 16 and 17:
an effort to address these stereoty
Page 18 and 19: The identities, perceptions, and re
Page 20 and 21: even IDPs themselves. The HRBA seek
Page 22 and 23: Karaleti settlement, and Potskho-Et
Page 24 and 25: displacement differently, with men
Page 26 and 27: on an equal footing with men in for
Page 28 and 29: The Ministry for Internally Displac
Page 30 and 31: Defender’s Office) and leave no r
Page 32 and 33: prominent national level IDP NGO wo
Page 34 and 35: in the past but none have yet to be
Page 36 and 37: Grassroots Peacebuilding EffortsCiv
Page 38 and 39: esettlement and local integration h
Page 40 and 41: ability to contribute to the new Ac
Page 42 and 43: Women convened a working group to a
Page 44 and 45: were involved, in addition to “wo
Page 46 and 47: towards addressing this population
Page 48 and 49: waves. 224 A Conciliation Resources
Page 50 and 51: governing shelter requirements. 238
Page 52 and 53: esults of eviction on those who did
Page 54 and 55: FINDINGSSIPA team member Drilon Gas
Page 56 and 57: unique opportunities exist for them
Page 58 and 59: an important opportunity for women
Page 60 and 61: early morning…when I was going to
Page 62 and 63: our office to investigate these iss
Page 64 and 65: on this? It’s impossible.” 322
Page 66 and 67: high levels of unemployment and pov
Page 70 and 71: funding and influence to implement
Page 72 and 73: een in operation for two years or l
Page 74 and 75: organization, and highlighted that
Page 76 and 77: The Education System’s Influence
Page 78 and 79: system has an important role to pla
Page 80 and 81: Political FactorsMany elements of t
Page 82 and 83: international organizations working
Page 84 and 85: uling party. 433 There were some si
Page 86 and 87: especially highly-influential broad
Page 88 and 89: ationale behind the government’s
Page 90 and 91: international working for a major d
Page 92 and 93: Also, according to a World Bank rep
Page 94 and 95: willing to challenge authorities th
Page 96 and 97: The lack of narrative connecting po
Page 98 and 99: RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE GEORGIAN GO
Page 100 and 101: the government also needs to commit
Page 102 and 103: ‣ Continue to support and expand
Page 104 and 105: ‣ Address male IDP needs (Immedia
Page 106 and 107: The campaign should have a face, su
Page 108 and 109: APPENDIX BList of IntervieweesLocal
Page 110 and 111: Kristy KellyLincoln MitchellLawrenc
Page 112 and 113: Article 10 - Non-discrimination in
Page 114 and 115: Principle 18.1 - Adequate standard
Page 116 and 117: Esaiashvili, Mariam (Official, Mini
Page 118 and 119:
Lanskoy, Miriam and Giorgi Areshidz
Page 120:
Transparency International Georgia.
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Promoting IDPs' and Women's Voices in Post-Conflict Georgia

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