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rise-and-fall-of-the-third-reich-william-shirer-pdf

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480 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE THIRD REICHContrary to a widespread belief at <strong>the</strong> time, not only in Moscow but in<strong>the</strong> Western capitals, that <strong>the</strong> British <strong>and</strong> French governments did nothing toinduce <strong>the</strong> Poles to agree to Soviet troops meeting <strong>the</strong> Germans on Polish soil,it is clear from documents recently released that London <strong>and</strong> Paris went quitefar – but not quite far enough. It is also clear that <strong>the</strong> Poles reacted withunbelievable stupidity. 597On August 18, after <strong>the</strong> first Anglo-French attempt was made in Warsawto open <strong>the</strong> eyes <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Poles, Foreign Minister Beck told <strong>the</strong> French ambassador,Leon Noel, that <strong>the</strong> Russians were ”<strong>of</strong> no military value,” <strong>and</strong> GeneralStachiewicz, Chief <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Polish General Staff, backed him up by declaring tha<strong>the</strong> saw ”no benefit to be gained by Red Army troops operating in Pol<strong>and</strong>.”The next day both <strong>the</strong> British <strong>and</strong> French ambassadors saw Beck again<strong>and</strong> urged him to agree to <strong>the</strong> Russian proposal. The Polish Foreign Ministerstalled, but promised to give <strong>the</strong>m a formal reply <strong>the</strong> next day. The Anglo-French demarche in Warsaw came as <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> a conversation earlier on<strong>the</strong> nineteenth in Paris between Bonnet, <strong>the</strong> French Foreign Minister, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>British charge d’affaires. Somewhat to <strong>the</strong> Briton’s surp<strong>rise</strong>, this archappeaser<strong>of</strong> Hitler was now quite aroused at <strong>the</strong> prospect <strong>of</strong> losing Russia as an allybecause <strong>of</strong> Polish stubbornness.It would be disastrous [Bonnet told him] if, in consequence <strong>of</strong> aPolish refusal, <strong>the</strong> Russian negotiations were to break down . . . Itwas an untenable position for <strong>the</strong> Poles to take up in refusing <strong>the</strong>only immediate efficacious help that could reach <strong>the</strong>m in <strong>the</strong> event <strong>of</strong>a German attack. It would put <strong>the</strong> British <strong>and</strong> French Governmentsin an almost impossible position if we had to ask our respectivecountries to go to war in defense <strong>of</strong> Pol<strong>and</strong>, which had refused thishelp.If this were so – <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re is no doubt that it was – why <strong>the</strong>n did not<strong>the</strong> British <strong>and</strong> French governments at this crucial moment put <strong>the</strong> ultimatepressure on Warsaw <strong>and</strong> simply say that unless <strong>the</strong> Polish government agreedto accept Russian help Britain <strong>and</strong> France could see no use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>mselves goingto war to aid Pol<strong>and</strong>? The formal Anglo-Polish mutual-security treaty had notyet been signed. Could Warsaw’s acceptance <strong>of</strong> Russian military backing notbe made a condition <strong>of</strong> concluding that pact? ∗In his talk with <strong>the</strong> British charge in Paris on August 19, Bonnet suggestedthis, but <strong>the</strong> government in London frowned upon such a ”maneuver,” as DowningStreet called it. To such an extreme Chamberlain <strong>and</strong> Halifax would notgo.On <strong>the</strong> morning <strong>of</strong> August 20 <strong>the</strong> Polish Chief <strong>of</strong> Staff informed <strong>the</strong> Britishmilitary attache in Warsaw that ”in no case would <strong>the</strong> admission <strong>of</strong> Soviet∗ Lloyd George, in a speech in <strong>the</strong> Commons on April 3, four days after Chamberlain’sunilateral guarantee to Pol<strong>and</strong> had been announced, had urged <strong>the</strong> British government tomake such a condition. ”If we are going in without <strong>the</strong> help <strong>of</strong> Russia we are walking into atrap. It is <strong>the</strong> only country whose armies can get <strong>the</strong>re [to Pol<strong>and</strong>]. . . . I cannot underst<strong>and</strong>why, before committing ourselves to this tremendous enterp<strong>rise</strong>, we did not secure beforeh<strong>and</strong><strong>the</strong> adhesion <strong>of</strong> Russia . . . If Russia has not been brought into this matter because <strong>of</strong> certainfeelings <strong>the</strong> Poles have that <strong>the</strong>y do not want <strong>the</strong> Russians <strong>the</strong>re, it is for us to declare <strong>the</strong>conditions, <strong>and</strong> unless <strong>the</strong> Poles are prepared to accept <strong>the</strong> only conditions with which we cansuccessfully help <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>the</strong> responsibility must be <strong>the</strong>irs.”

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