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rise-and-fall-of-the-third-reich-william-shirer-pdf

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VERSAILLES, WEIMAR AND THE BEER HALL PUTSCH 59<strong>the</strong> traitors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fa<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong>, down with <strong>the</strong> November criminals! That mustbe our slogan.” 94All through <strong>the</strong> first months <strong>of</strong> 1923 Hitler dedicated himself to making <strong>the</strong>slogan effective. In February, due largely to <strong>the</strong> organizational talents <strong>of</strong> Roehm,four <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> armed ”patriotic leagues” <strong>of</strong> Bavaria joined with <strong>the</strong> Nazis to form <strong>the</strong>so-called Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Vaterlaendischen Kampfverbaende (WorkingUnion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Fa<strong>the</strong>rl<strong>and</strong> Fighting Leagues) under <strong>the</strong> political leadership <strong>of</strong>Hitler. In September an even stronger group was established under <strong>the</strong> name<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Deutscher Kampfbund (German Fighting Union), with Hitler one <strong>of</strong> atriumvirate <strong>of</strong> leaders. This organization sprang from a great mass meetingheld at Nuremberg on September 2 to celebrate <strong>the</strong> anniversary <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Germ<strong>and</strong>efeat <strong>of</strong> France at Sedan in 1870. Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fascist-minded groups in sou<strong>the</strong>rnGermany were represented <strong>and</strong> Hitler received something <strong>of</strong> an ovation after aviolent speech against <strong>the</strong> national government. The objectives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> newKampfbund were openly stated: overthrow <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> tearing up<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Treaty <strong>of</strong> Versailles.At <strong>the</strong> Nuremberg meeting Hitler had stood in <strong>the</strong> reviewing st<strong>and</strong> next toGeneral Ludendorff during a parade <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> demonstrators. This was not by accident.For some time <strong>the</strong> young Nazi chief had been cultivating <strong>the</strong> war hero,who had lent his famous name to <strong>the</strong> makers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kapp putsch in Berlin <strong>and</strong>who, since he continued to encourage counterrevolution from <strong>the</strong> Right, mightbe tempted to back an action which was beginning to germinate in Hitler’smind. The old General had no political sense; living now outside Munich, hedid not disguise his contempt for Bavarians, for Crown Prince Rupprecht, <strong>the</strong>Bavarian pretender, <strong>and</strong> for <strong>the</strong> Catholic Church in this most Catholic <strong>of</strong> allstates in Germany. All this Hitler knew, but it suited his purposes. He didnot want Ludendorff as <strong>the</strong> political leader <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nationalist counterrevolution,a role which it was known <strong>the</strong> war hero was ambitious to assume. Hitler insistedon that role for himself. But Ludendorffs name, his renown in <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficercorps <strong>and</strong> among <strong>the</strong> conservatives throughout Germany would be an asset toa provincial politician still largely unknown outside Bavaria. Hitler began toinclude Ludendorff in his plans.In <strong>the</strong> <strong>fall</strong> <strong>of</strong> 1923 <strong>the</strong> German Republic <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> state <strong>of</strong> Bavaria reacheda point <strong>of</strong> crisis. On September 26, Gustav Stresemann, <strong>the</strong> Chancellor, announced<strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> passive resistance in <strong>the</strong> Ruhr <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> resumption <strong>of</strong> Germanreparation payments. This former mouthpiece <strong>of</strong> Hindenburg <strong>and</strong> Ludendorff,a staunch conservative <strong>and</strong>, at heart, a monarchist, had come to <strong>the</strong> conclusionthat if Germany were to be saved, united <strong>and</strong> made strong again it must, atleast for <strong>the</strong> time being, accept <strong>the</strong> Republic, come to terms with <strong>the</strong> Allies <strong>and</strong>obtain a period <strong>of</strong> tranquillity in which to regain its economic strength. To driftany fur<strong>the</strong>r would only end in civil war <strong>and</strong> perhaps in <strong>the</strong> final destruction <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> nation.The ab<strong>and</strong>onment <strong>of</strong> resistance to <strong>the</strong> French in <strong>the</strong> Ruhr <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> resumption<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> burden <strong>of</strong> reparations touched <strong>of</strong>f an outburst <strong>of</strong> anger <strong>and</strong> hysteria among<strong>the</strong> German nationalists, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Communists, who also had been growing instrength, joined <strong>the</strong>m in bitter denunciation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Republic. Stresemann wasfaced with serious revolt from both extreme Right <strong>and</strong> extreme Left. He hadanticipated it by having President Ebert declare a state <strong>of</strong> emergency on <strong>the</strong>very day he announced <strong>the</strong> change <strong>of</strong> policy on <strong>the</strong> Ruhr <strong>and</strong> reparations. FromSeptember 26, 1923, until February 1924, executive power in Germany under

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