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The Winton M. Blount Postal History Symposia - Smithsonian ...

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n u m b e r 5 5 • 6 7issued: dictatorial regimes, political repression, economichardship, and war.Second, the various national governments (those samedictatorial regimes practicing political repression) are takingcredit for these joyous events, the territorial acquisitions,by issuing stamps proclaiming and celebrating them.<strong>The</strong> iconic content of several of the stamps makes this connectionobvious with portraits of the heads of state: AdmiralHorthy of Hungary, King Boris of Bulgaria, and KingMichael and General Antonescu of Romania. All of theother icons representing the occupying power also makethe connection, if not as directly. None of the governmentswere parliamentary democracies, and none of the rulersportrayed on the stamps were governing with the consentof the governed, hence the importance of influencing publicopinion in their favor (especially in the worst of times)through propaganda. Put very simply, the stamps do preciselythat by associating the rulers and governments withsomething positive and popular (the returned territories)and giving them credit for it.To skeptics at home and abroad, the stamps send athird message: the territorial acquisitions are justified, forall of the reasons listed above. <strong>The</strong>y have saved the minoritiesof Transylvania from the Romanians, liberatedBelorussians and Ukrainians from the Poles, and givenBulgaria its long- sought outlet to the Aegean Sea. Justificationabroad through philately was probably most important—andmost calculated—in the Soviet Union. <strong>The</strong>Soviet government made a point of selling its stamps tocollectors overseas, and it is questionable whether the setof stamps celebrating and justifying its acquisition of easternPoland even circulated domestically. 24A fourth message is support for the Axis. All of theterritorial acquisitions discussed here were made possibleby some type of agreement or alliance with either NaziGermany or the Axis. <strong>The</strong> willingness to acknowledge theconnection philatelically varied according to the country’sdegree of subservience. 25 Romania issued the clearest messageof support (see Figure 8). 26 It is a reflection of Romanianforeign policy during the inter- war period. 27 Romaniafeared Soviet aggression, at least in part because it had annexedBessarabia, and it had depended upon its relationswith the Entente countries, particularly France, to guaranteeits security. That guarantee evaporated with the fall ofFrance to Nazi Germany in the summer of 1940. EasternEurope had suddenly become a very dangerous neighborhood,with no effective Entente power to counter eitherGermany or the Soviet Union. Romania concluded an alliancewith the Axis, which enabled it to retake Bessarabiawhen Hitler invaded the Soviet Union. Bulgaria andHungary also concluded alliances with the Axis. Bulgariaalludes to the Axis connection (see Figure 7); Hungarydoes not. <strong>The</strong> iconic content of the stamps issued by Polandand the Soviet Union contain no reference to theirrelations with Nazi Germany.<strong>The</strong> stamps analyzed here are similar in their iconiccontent. <strong>The</strong> messages that these miniature propagandaposters are designed to send are also similar. Whether theiconic content employed and the messages sent are uniqueto these specific countries or are part of a visual vocabularyand a pattern common to all of Europe during the1930s and World War II (and beyond, both in space andtime) would be a subsequent topic to explore—but onebeyond the scope of this study.Notes1. Jack Child, Miniature Messages: the Semiotics and Politicsof Latin American Postage Stamps, pp. 1–5, 15; Daniel A.Piazza, “Perforated Propaganda,” (Lecture given at the <strong>Smithsonian</strong>National <strong>Postal</strong> Museum, Sept. 18, 2009); Donald M. Reid,“<strong>The</strong> Symbolism of Postage Stamps: a Source for the Historian,”Journal of Contemporary <strong>History</strong>, vol. XIX, no. 2 (April 1984),p. 223; Carlos Stoetzer, Postage Stamps as Propaganda, pp. 1–3.2. <strong>The</strong> description of the component parts of stamp designis based on David Scott, European Stamp Design: a SemioticApproach to Designing Messages, in which he applies conceptsfrom <strong>The</strong> Second Trichotomy of Signs by Charles Sanders Peirceto stamp design, and on Child, who applies Scott’s resulting conceptsof stamp design to his study of Latin American stamps.3. Alf Harper, Philately of the Third Reich: Postage and propaganda(Raleigh, N.C.: Album, 1998); Albert L. Moore, <strong>Postal</strong>Propaganda of the Third Reich (Atglen, Pa.: Schiffer Military<strong>History</strong>, 2003); Montgomery Mulford, “Postage Stamps as Propaganda,”Mechanix Illustrated, Oct. 1938, pp. 86, 135; Piazza;Scott; Stoetzer.4. Richard and Ben Crampton, Atlas of Eastern Europe inthe Twentieth Century, p. 37; Dennis P. Hupchick and Harold E.Cox, <strong>The</strong> Palgrave Concise Historical Atlas of Eastern Europe,maps 42, 44; Hugh Seton- Watson, Eastern Europe Between <strong>The</strong>Wars: 1918–1941, pp. 269–270.5. In the United States the standard reference book for postagestamps is the Scott Standard Postage Stamp Catalogue, amulti- volume work issued annually. <strong>The</strong> Scott numbers for thestamps to be analyzed here are: Poland, Scott 334; Hungary,Scott B98–102 and B123–125; Russia, Scott 767–771; Bulgaria,Scott 360–363 and 392–396; and Romania, Scott B195–197.6. Crampton and Crampton, pp. 41, 57, 67, 99, 101, 111;Hupchick and Cox, map 48; Margaret MacMillan, Paris 1919:Six Months that Changed the World, pp. 225, 238–240; Scott2004 Standard Postage Stamp Catalogue, vol. 5, p. 272; Seton-Watson, pp. 364–365.

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