Proceedings Fonetik 2009 - Institutionen för lingvistik

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Proceedings, FONETIK 2009, Dept. of Linguistics, Stockholm UniversityEskilstuna as the tonal key to DanishTomas RiadDepartment of Scandinavian languages, Stockholm UniversityAbstractThis study considers the distribution ofcreak/stød in relation to the tonal profile in thevariety of Central Swedish (CSw) spoken inEskilstuna. It is shown that creak/stød correlateswith the characteristic HL fall at the endof the intonation phrase and that this fall hasearlier timing in Eskilstuna, than in the standardvariety of CSw. Also, a tonal shift at theleft edge in focused words is seen to instantiatethe beginnings of the dialect transition to theDalabergslag (DB) variety. These features fitinto the general hypothesis regarding the originof Danish stød and its relation to surroundingtonal dialects (Riad, 1998a). A laryngealmechanism, proposed by Jan Gauffin, whichrelates low F0, creak and stød is discussed byBjörn Lindblom in a companion paper (thisvolume).BackgroundAccording to an earlier proposal (Riad, 1998a;2000ab), the stød that is so characteristic ofStandard Danish has developed from a previoustonal system, which has central properties incommon with present-day Central Swedish, asspoken in the Mälardal region. This diachronicorder has long been the standard view (Kroman,1947; Ringgaard, 1983; Fischer-Jørgensen, 1989; for a different view, cf.Libermann, 1982), but serious discussion regardingthe phonological relation between thetonal systems of Swedish and Norwegian onthe one hand, and the Danish stød system onthe other, is surprisingly hard to find. Presumably,this is due to both the general lack of pan-Scandinavian perspective in earlier Norwegianand Swedish work on the tonal dialectology(e.g. Fintoft et al., 1978; Bruce and Gårding,1978), and the reification of stød as a non-tonalphonological object in the Danish research tradition(e.g. Basbøll 1985; 2005).All signs, however, indicate that stød shouldbe understood in terms of tones, and this goesfor phonological representation, as well as fororigin and diachronic development. There arethe striking lexical correlations between thesystems, where stød tends to correlate with accent1 and absence of stød with accent 2. Thereis the typological tendency for stød to occur inthe direct vicinity of tonal systems (e.g. Baltic,SE Asian, North Germanic). Also, the phoneticconditioning of stød (Da. stød basis), that is,sonority and stress, resembles that of some tonalsystems, e.g. Central Franconian (Gussenhovenand van der Vliet, 1999; Peters, 2007).Furthermore, there is the curious markednessreversal as the lexically non-correlating stødand accent 2 are usually considered the markedmembers of their respective oppositions. 1 Thisindicates that the relation between the systemsis not symmetrical. Finally, there is phoneticwork that suggests a close relationship betweenF0 lowering, creak and stød (Gauffin, 1972ab),as discussed in Lindblom (this volume).The general structure of the hypothesis aswell as several arguments are laid out in somedetail in Riad (1998a; 2000ab), where it isclaimed that all the elements needed to reconstructthe origin of Danish stød can be found inthe dialects of the Mälardal region in Sweden:facultative stød, loss of distinctive accent 2, anda tonal shift from double-peaked to singlepeakedaccent 2 in the neighbouring dialects.The suggestion, then, is that the Danish systemwould have originated from a tonal dialect typesimilar to the one spoken today in EasternMälardalen. The development in Danish is dueto a slightly different mix of the crucial features.In particular, the loss of distinctive accent2 combined with the grammaticalization of stødin stressed syllables.The dialect-geographic argument supportsparallel developments. The dialects of Dalabergslagenand Gotland are both systematicallyrelated to the dialect of Central Swedish. Whilethe tonal grammar is the same, the tonal makeupis different and this difference can be understoodas due to a leftward tonal shift (Riad,1998b). A parallel relation would hold betweenthe original, but now lost, tonal dialect of Sjællandin Denmark and the surrounding dialects,which remain tonal to this day: South Swedish,South Norwegian and West Norwegian. Theseare all structurally similar tonal types. It is uncontested,historically and linguistically, thatSouth Swedish and South Norwegian have receivedmany of their distinctive characteristicsfrom Danish, and the prosodic system is no ex-12
Proceedings, FONETIK 2009, Dept. of Linguistics, Stockholm Universityception to that development. Furthermore, thetonal system of South Swedish, at least, is sufficientlydifferent from its northern neighbours,the Göta dialects, to make a direct prosodicconnection unlikely (Riad, 1998b; 2005). Thisexcludes the putative alternative hypothesis.In this contribution, I take a closer look atsome of the details regarding the relationshipbetween creak/stød and the constellation oftones. The natural place to look is the dialect ofEskilstuna, located to the west of Stockholm,which is key to the understanding of the phoneticdevelopment of stød, the tonal shift in thedialect transition from CSw to DB, and thegeneralization of accent 2. I have used part ofthe large corpus of interviews collected byBengt Nordberg and his co-workers in the 60’s,and by Eva Sundgren in the 90’s, originally forthe purpose of large-scale sociolinguistic investigation(see e.g. Nordberg, 1969; Sundgren,2002). All examples in this article are takenfrom Nordberg’s recordings (cf. Pettersson andForsberg, 1970). Analysis has been carried outin Praat (Boersma and Weenink, 2009).Creak/stød as a correlate of HLFischer-Jørgensen’s F0 graphs of minimalstød/no-stød pairs show that stød cooccurs witha sharp fall (1989, appendix IV). We take HLto be the most likely tonal configuration for theoccurrence of stød, the actual correlate being aL target tone. When the HL configuration occursin a short space of time, i.e. under compression,and with a truly low target for the Ltone, creak and/or stød may result. A hypothesisfor the phonetic connection between thesephenomena has been worked out by Jan Gauffin(1972ab), cf. Lindblom (2009a; this volume).The compressed HL contour, the extra lowL and the presence of creak/stød are all propertiesthat are frequent in speakers of theEskilstuna variety of Central Swedish. Bleckert(1987, 116ff.) provides F0 graphs of the sharptonal fall, which is known as ‘Eskilstuna curl’(Sw. eskilstunaknorr) in the folk terminology.Another folk term, ‘Eskilstuna creak’ (Sw.eskilstunaknarr), picks up on the characteristiccreak. These terms are both connected with theHL fall which is extra salient in Eskilstuna aswell as several other varieties within the socalled‘whine belt’ (Sw. gnällbältet), comparedwith the eastward, more standard CentralSwedish varieties around Stockholm. Clearly,part of the salience comes directly from themarked realizational profile of the fall, butthere are also distributional factors that likelyadd to the salience, one of which is the veryfact that the most common place for curl is inphrase final position, in the fall from the focalH tone to the boundary L% tone.Below are a few illustrations of typical instancesof fall/curl, creak and stød. Informantsare denoted with ‘E’ for ‘Eskilstuna’ and anumber, as in Pettersson and Forsberg (1970,Table 4), with the addition of ‘w’ or ‘m’ for‘woman’ and ‘man’, respectively.Pitch (Hz)5004003002001000ba- ge- ˈri- et’the bakery’L H L , , , ,0 0.7724Time (s)Figure 1. HL% fall/curl followed by creak (marked‘, , ,’ on the tone tier). E149w: bage 1ˈriet ‘the bakery’.Pitch (Hz)5004003002001000jo de tyc- ker ja ä ˈkul’yes, I think that’s fun’H , , L , ,0 1.125Time (s)Figure 2. HL% fall interrupted by creak. E106w:1ˈkul ‘fun’.Pitch (Hz)5004003002001000å hadd en ˈbä- lg’and had (a) bellows’H o L0 1.439Time (s)Figure 3. HL% fall interrupted by stød (marked by‘o’ on the tone tier). E147w: 1ˈbälg ‘bellows’.13
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