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Proceedings Fonetik 2009 - Institutionen för lingvistik

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<strong>Proceedings</strong>, FONETIK <strong>2009</strong>, Dept. of Linguistics, Stockholm UniversityThe largest area is the Nuckö-Rickul-Ormsöarea (including Dagö) followed by the Rågö-Korkis-Vippal area. Separate dialect areas areformed by the Island of Runö and the Island ofNargö. E. Lagman (1979: 5) claims that connectionsbetween the different dialect areaswere not particularly lively which made it possiblefor the separate dialects to retain theircharacteristic traits up to modern times.Another factor which has shaped ES is thefact that until the 20th century, ES dialectswere almost completely isolated from varietiesof Swedish in Sweden, and therefore did notparticipate in several linguistic changes that occurredfor instance in Standard Swedish (Tiberg,1962: 13, Haugen, 1976), e.g. the GreatQuantity shift that took place in most Scandinavianvarieties between 1250 and 1550. ES, asopposed to Standard Swedish, has retained thearchaic ‘falling’ diphthongs, e.g. stain ‘sten’(stone), haim ‘hem’ (home) (E. Lagman, 1979:47). Starting from the end of the 19th century,however, ES came gradually in closer contactwith above all Stockholm Swedish and FinlandSwedish. It was also around that time that theso called ‘high’ variety of ES (den estlandssvenskahögspråksvarianten) appeared inconnection with the development of the educationsystem. This was the regional standard thatwas used as a common language within the EScommunity.According to E. Lagman (1979: 5) the mainfeatures of ES dialects resemble most those ofthe variety of Swedish spoken in Nyland inSouth Finland. Lexically and semantically, theES dialects have been found to agree with FinlandSwedish and North Swedish (Norrbotten)dialects on the one hand, and with dialects inEast Central (Uppland) and West (Götaland)Sweden and the Island of Gotland on the otherhand (Bleckert, 1986: 91). It has been claimedthat the influence of Estonian on the sound systemof ES is quite extensive (Danell, 1905-34,ref. in H. Lagman, 1971: 13) although it has tobe noted that the degree of language contactwith Estonian varied considerably dependingon the dialect area (E. Lagman, 1979: 4).Swedish long close vowelsOf the three varieties of Swedish included inthe present study, it is the CS close vowels thathave been subject to most extensive acousticand articulatory analyses. Considerably less isknown about FS vowels, and no acoustic data isso far available for ES vowels.CS exhibits a phonological four way contrastin close vowels /iː – yː – ʉː – uː/ where /iː/, / yː/ and /ʉː/ are front vowels with manysimilar articulatory and acoustic features, and/uː/ is a back vowel (Riad, 1997). While /iː/ isconsidered an unrounded vowel and /yː/ itsrounded counterpart, /ʉː/ has been referred toas: (1) a labialised palatal vowel with a tongueposition similar (but slightly higher) to [ø:], butwith a difference in lip closure (Malmberg,1966: 99-100), (2) a close rounded front vowel,more open than [iː] and [yː] (Elert, 2000: 28;31; 49), (3) a further back vowel pronouncedwith pursed lips (hopsnörpning) rather than lipprotrusion as is the case with /yː/ (Kuronen,2000: 32), and (4) a protruded (framskjuten)central rounded vowel (Engstrand, 2004: 113).The two vowels /iː/ and /yː/ display similarF1 and F2 values (Fant, 1969), and can be separatedonly by F3, which is lower for /y:/.Malmberg (1966: 101) argues that the onlyrelevant phonetic difference between /ʉ:/ and/y:/ can be seen in the F2 and F3 values.An additional characteristic of long closevowels in CS is that they tend to be diphthongised.Lowering of the first three formants at theend of the diphthongised vowels /ʉː/ and /uː/has been reported by e.g. Kuronen (2000: 81-82), while the diphthongisation of /iː/ and /yː/results in a higher F1 and lower F2 at the end ofthe vowel (Kuronen, 2000: 88).In FS, the close vowels differ somewhatfrom the CS ones, except /u:/ that is rather similarin both varieties. FS /iː/ and /yː/ are pronouncedmore open and further front than theirCS counterparts. Acoustically, these vowels arerealised with lower F1 and higher F2 valuesthan in CS (Kuronen, 2000: 59). In FS, theclose central /ʉː/ is pronounced further backthan in CS (Kuronen, 2000: 60; 177). There issome debate over as to whether the characteristicsof FS are a result of language contact withFinnish (Kuronen, 2000: 60) or an independentdialectal development (Niemi, 1981).The quality of the rounded front vowel /yː/in the ‘high’ variety of ES is more open than inStandard Swedish (Lagman, 1979: 9). Therounded front vowel /yː/ is said to be missing inES dialects (Tiberg, 1962: 45, E. Lagman,1979: 53) and the word by (village) is pronouncedwith an /iː/. It seems, though, that theexact realisation of the vowel is heavily dependenton its segmental context and the dialect,and most probably also historical soundchanges. Thus, in addition to [iː] /yː/ can be realisedas [eː], [ɛː], or [ʉː] or as a diphthong55

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