Proceedings Fonetik 2009 - Institutionen för lingvistik

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Proceedings, FONETIK 2009, Dept. of Linguistics, Stockholm Universityfinal > initial (p initial(p=0.19)).Finally, for the initial word, the interactionof FOCUS and SPEECH ACT was not significantfor word duration (cf. Table 1). That is,[vaˈlandəɹ] was produced longer in assertionsthan in confirmations, both when in focus and inpre-focal position (cf. also Figure 2). Post-hoctests for FOCUS show that [vaˈlandəɹ] is realisedwith a longer duration when the word is in focusthan when focus is on the medial (p=.011) orfinal word (p=.003). However, when only thestressed syllable is taken into account, the interactionof SPEECH ACT and FOCUS is significant(cf. Table 1). As shown by post-hoc comparisons,the situation is, however, more complexthan for the interactions found for the otherwords: First, [land] is realised longer in assertionsthan in confirmations not only when theinitial word is in focus (p=.002), but also whenthe final word is in focus (p=.029). Second, inassertions, the duration of [land] differs in allthree focus conditions (initial focus > medialfocus (p=.015); initial > final (p=.036); final >medial (p=.039)), while in confirmations, [land]is significantly longer in focus than in the twopre-focal conditions only (initial > medial(p=.005); initial > final (p=.016)), i.e. no significantdifference is found between the twopre-focal conditions.In the analysis so far, all recordings havebeen included irrespective of the variation of F0patterns produced within an experimental condition.As mentioned in the Introduction, confirmationswere produced with either of twostrategies, as classified in Ambrazaitis (in press)as either ‘rising’ (presence of a (lowered) H-accent on the target word), or ‘falling’ (absenceof a H- accent on the target word), cf. Figure 1.This raises the question as to whether the focallengthening found in confirmations (cf. Figure2) is present in both the rising and the fallingvariants. Figure 3 displays the results for confirmationin a rearranged form, where the F0pattern is taken into account.For the medial word, Figure 3 indicates that,first, the word seems to be lengthened in focuseven when it is produced with a falling pattern(cf. “förlänger” in conditions ‘medial fall’ vs.‘final fall’, ‘final rise’, and ‘initial rise’), andsecond, the focal lengthening effect still tends tobe stronger when the word is produced with arise (‘medial fall’ vs. ‘medial rise’). However,for the final word, focal lengthening seems to bepresent only when the word is produced with arise. Finally, the initial word seems to bems550500450400350300250initial rise(38)Wallander förlänger novembermedial fall(17)medialrise (20)final fall(16)final rise(27)Figure 3. Mean durations of the three test words inconfirmations, divided into classes according to theintended focus position (initial, medial, final word)and F0 pattern produced on the target word (rise,fall); n in parentheses.lengthened not only when it is in focus itself, butalso when medial or final focus is produced witha fall, as compared to medial or final focusproduced with a rise.DiscussionThe goal of this study was to examine the durationalpatterns in a data corpus where focus waselicited in two different speech acts, assertionsand confirmations. It is unclear from the previousF0 analysis (cf. Figure 1 and Ambrazaitis, inpress) whether focus was successfully signalledin confirmations, when these were producedwithout a ‘rising focal accent’ (H-). The generalhypothesis to be tested in future perception experimentsis that focus in confirmations mayeven be signalled by a falling pattern, whichwould support the proposal by Ambrazaitis(2007) that there is a paradigmatic utterancelevelaccent contrast in Standard Swedish betweena rising (H-) and a falling accent.The present results are in line with this generalhypothesis, since they have shown that focallengthening can be found not only in assertions,but also in confirmations, although the degree offocal lengthening seems to be smaller in confirmationsthan in assertions. In fact, the speechact hardly affects the duration of unfocussedwords, meaning that speech act signalling interactswith focus signalling. Most importantly,the results also indicate that focal lengtheningmay even be found when the target word isproduced with a falling F0 pattern, although noinferential statistics have been reported for thiscase. In fact, in these cases, duration differencesseem to the more salient than F0 differences (cf.‘medial fall’ and ‘final fall’ in Figures 1 and 3).76
Proceedings, FONETIK 2009, Dept. of Linguistics, Stockholm UniversityThis summary of the results, however, bestmatches the durational patterns found for themedial word. Heldner and Strangert (2001)conclude that the medial position is least affectedby factors other than the focal accentitself, e.g. final lengthening. Based on the presentresults, it seems obvious that even theduration of the initial word is influenced bymore factors than focus, since even if the initialword is pre-focal, its duration seems to varydepending on whether the medial or the finalword is focussed (when only stressed syllable ismeasured), or, in confirmations, whether medialor final focus is produced with a fall or a rise.More research is needed in order to reach abetter understanding of these patterns. In part,durational patterns of initial words could possiblybe related to the role the initial position playsin signalling phrase- or sentence prosody (Myrberg,in press; Roll et al., 2009).Finally, for the final word, the evidence forfocal lengthening in confirmations is weaker, atendency opposite to the one found by Heldnerand Strangert (2001) for assertions, where finalwords in focus tended to be lengthened morethan words in other positions. In the presentstudy, no focal lengthening was found for thefinal word in confirmations when the word wasproduced with a falling pattern. However, therelative difference in duration between the finaland the medial word was still larger as comparedto the case of intended medial focus producedwith a fall (cf. the duration relations of ‘medialfall’ and ‘final fall’ in Figure 3).Some of the duration differences found inthis study are small and probably irrelevant froma perceptual point of view. However, the generaltendencies indicate that duration is a possiblecue to perceived focus position in confirmationsand thus should be taken into account in theplanned perception experiment.AcknowledgementsThanks to Gösta Bruce and Merle Horne fortheir valuable advice during the planning of thestudy and the preparation of the paper, to MikaelRoll for kindly recording the context questions,and, of course, to all my subjects!ReferencesAmbrazaitis G. (2007) Expressing ‘confirma-tion’ in Swedish: the interplay of word andutterance prosody. Proceedings of the 16 thICPhS (Saarbrücken, Germany), 1093–96.Ambrazaitis G. (in press) Swedish and Germanintonation in confirmations and assertions.Proceedings of Nordic Prosody X (Helsinki,Finland).Bruce G. (1977) Swedish word accents in sentenceperspective. Lund: Gleerup.Bruce G. (1981) Tonal and temporal interplay.In Fretheim T. (ed) Nordic Prosody II –Papers from a symposium, 63–74. Trondheim:Tapir.Bruce G., Filipsson M., Frid J., Granström B.,Gustafson K., Horne M., and House D.(2000) Modelling of Swedish text and discourseintonation in a speech synthesisframework. In Botinis A. (ed) Intonation.Analysis, modelling and technology,291–320. Dordrecht: Kluwer.Büring D. (2007) Intonation, semantics andinformation structure. In Ramchand G. andReiss C. (eds) The Oxford Handbook ofLinguistic Interfaces, 445–73. Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press.Cambier-Langeveld T. and Turk A.E. (1999) Across-linguistic study of accentual lengthening:Dutch vs. English. Journal of Phonetics27, 255–80.Heldner M. and Strangert E. (2001) Temporaleffects of focus in Swedish. Journal ofPhonetics 29, 329–361.Horne M. (1991) Why do speakers accent“given” information? Proceedings of Eurospeech91: 2nd European conference onspeech communication and technology(Genoa, Italy), 1279–82.Kügler F. (2008) The role of duration as aphonetic correlate of focus. Proceedings ofthe 4 th Conference on Speech Prosody(Campinas, Brazil), 591–94.Ladd D.R. (2008) Intonational phonology 2 nded. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Myrberg S. (in press) Initiality accents in CentralSwedish. Proceedings of Nordic ProsodyX (Helsinki, Finland).Roll M., Horne M., and Lindgren, M. (2009)Left-edge boundary tone and main clauseverb effects on syntactic processing in embeddedclauses – An ERP study. Journal ofNeurolinguistics 22, 55–73.77
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