<strong>UNISCI</strong> Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206increase the level of human security. Strengthening the perceivably “fragile”, “failed”, and“collapsed” states has been consi<strong>de</strong>red to require more coordinated action which has led to theUN resolutions 10 to establish Peacebuilding Commission, Peacebuilding Fund, andPeacebuilding Support Office in 2005.Thus, the peacebuilding interventions have <strong>de</strong>veloped into complex statebuildingaffairs. This owes to the wi<strong>de</strong> recognition that at least rudimentary institutional structuresneed to be in place to improve the chances of peacebuilding success in the long-term. 11 Theseinterventions have increasingly aimed at <strong>de</strong>aling with origins of conflicts, such as inequality,and promote the main pillars of liberal peace, including human rights, good <strong>de</strong>mocraticgovernance, rule of law, sustainable <strong>de</strong>velopment, equal access to resources, an<strong>de</strong>nvironmental security, 12 which has provoked perceptions of intrusive peacebuildinginterventions as a form of imperialism. 13The focus on statebuilding has been intimately linked to the attempts to elevate statecapacity. Although advocating the importance of state in peace and <strong>de</strong>velopment is notnew, 14 this only became an important factor in peacebuilding interventions since themillennium and <strong>de</strong>veloped into increasing emphasis on the state functions, such as state’sability to <strong>de</strong>al with armed conflict, provi<strong>de</strong> security, and engage in “good governance”.State’s capacity is therefore viewed as inseparable from peace, reconstruction, <strong>de</strong>velopment,and internal and external security.This convergence of peacebuilding with statebuilding within the liberal peace paradigmhas to an extent sought to reconcile with the criticism of its formal-institutional top-downapproach. It is perceived that its lack of society-oriented bottom-up focus as a simplifiedmo<strong>de</strong>l of social or<strong>de</strong>r on a “multi-faceted social world” fails to create legitimacy at the locallevel. 15 Thus, it has been pointed out that statebuilding cannot be strictly a top-down processbut needs to incorporate bottom-up consi<strong>de</strong>rations. 16 In<strong>de</strong>ed providing services locally insteadof investing heavily on top-down centralization “…would acknowledge that, in a post-conflictenvironment, a hybrid minimal state may be the most locally owned, legitimate, accountableand effective alternative”. 17Despite this complementarity, however, a number of interventions have remained astop-down processes. The UN has often favored its hierarchical peacebuilding approach inwhich the intervention is to a large extent channeled through the national government. Thishas often also been the preferred strategy of other interveners in their attempt to strengthen therecipient state. Yet, in some occasions the exclusive partnership between the external10 UNGA: The Peacebuilding Commission, United Nations General Assembly Resolution 60/180, 30 December2005; and UNSC: United Nations Security Council Resolution 1645, 20 December 2005.11 See Call, Charles T. and Cousens, Elizabeth E.: “Ending Wars and Building Peace: International Responses toWar-Torn Societies”, International Studies Perspectives, n° 9 (2008), pp. 1-21; and Paris and Sisk, op. cit.12 Barnett, Michael and Zürcher, Christoph: “The Peacebuil<strong>de</strong>r’s Contract: How External State-buildingReinforces Weak Statehood”, in Paris, Roland and Sisk, Timothy D. (eds.) (2009): The Dilemmas ofStatebuilding: Confronting the Contradictions of Postwar Peace Operations, Abingdon, Routledge, pp. 23-52.13 See i.e. Schellhaas, Constanze and Seegers, Annette: “Peacebuilding: Imperialism’s New Disguise?”, AfricanSecurity Review, vol. 18, n° 2 (2009), pp. 2-15.14 See i.e. Evans, Peter B.; Rueschemeyer, Dietrich and Skocpol, Theda (eds.) (1985): Bringing the State BackIn, Cambridge, MA, University of Cambridge Press.15 Bliesemann <strong>de</strong> Guevara, Berit: “The State in the Times of Statebuilding”, Civil Wars, vol. 10, n° 4 (2010), pp.348-368.16 Chandler, David (2006): Empire in Denial: The Politics of Statebuilding, London, Pluto.17 Baker, Bruce and Scheye, Eric: “Access to Justice in a Post-conflict State: Donor-supported MultidimensionalPeacekeeping in Southern Sudan”, International Peacekeeping, vol. 16, n° 2 (2009), p. 182.16
<strong>UNISCI</strong> Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206interveners and the recipient government in post-war situations have resulted in consolidationof political and economic governance or<strong>de</strong>r based on the strongest local actors and starklyexcluding other relevant parties. This can be said to have maintained the conditions of“structural”, and at times direct violence, in which state may play an important role and inwhich those marginalized in the prevailing political and economic system tend to be in thereceiving end. As a result, at best a local reality of “negative peace”, or absence of directlarge-scale violence, may be constructed in the short-term, based on (re)building the stateinstitutions but in the absence of an inclusive social contract that encompasses all sections ofthe society. Here, the main question becomes legitimacy which the external statebuildinginterventions claim to address, 18 but which often fails particularly in the hierarchicalinterventions. Therefore, seeking “peace through statebuilding” 19 cannot be equated withpeace. 20 Largely due to this, it has been suggested that interventions should increasinglydirectly prioritize human security, 21 including justice and social welfare, 22 and, if necessary,bypass the state, and that strategies to establish liberal economy should be altered 23 even tothe extent of pursuing a bottom-up strategy and replacing the general state centrism ininterventions with the focus on individuals. 24The emphasis on individuals, centerpiece of traditional liberal theories, and constructingpost-war interventions from the bottom-up starkly contrasts the current peace-throughstatebuildingpractice. It also opens an avenue for a more comprehensive approach to enforcethe legitimacy of political and economic or<strong>de</strong>r by focusing on (re)building societies after thearmed conflict through a long-term process of creating societal unity through commoni<strong>de</strong>ntity. However, it may un<strong>de</strong>rmine the state particularly if human security is provi<strong>de</strong>dmainly by non-state actors, and in some cases result in the state becoming redundant inspecific local contexts in which state-local contacts are scarce and problematic. In practice, ahuman security strategy focused on non-state actors especially in post-conflict situations may<strong>de</strong>prive the state from its critical security provision function, and is likely to be extremelydifficult to implement because it requires acceptance by the state in question.According to the prevailing opinion among scholars, nations and national i<strong>de</strong>ntities aresocially constructed. 25 They are shaped by past inci<strong>de</strong>nts and influenced by future events, and18 Rocha Menocal, Alina: “State-Building for Peace: A New Paradigm for International Engagement in Post-Conflict Fragile States?”, RSCAS 2010/34, European University Institute, 2010; and OECD: “InternationalSupport to Statebuilding in Situations of Fragility and Conflict”, DCD/DAC(2010)37/FINAL, Organisation forEconomic Co-operation and Development, 14 January 2011.19 Ylönen, Aleksi: “Limits of ‘Peace through Statebuilding’ in Southern Sudan: Challenges to State Legitimacy,Governance and Economic Development during the Comprehensive Peace Agreement Implementation, 2005-2011”, Journal of Conflictology, vol. 3, n° 2 (2012), pp. 28-40.20 Rocha Menocal, op. cit., p. 12.21 Richmond, Oliver P.: “Emancipatory Forms of Human Security and Liberal Peacebuilding”, InternationalJournal, vol. 62, n° 3 (2007), pp. 459-477.22 Richmond, Oliver P.: “The Problem of Peace: Un<strong>de</strong>rstanding the ‘Liberal Peace’”, Conflict, Security andDevelopment, vol. 6, n° 3 (2006), pp. 291-314.23 Paris, Roland: “Saving Liberal Peacebuilding”, Review of International Studies, vol. 36, n° 2 (2010), pp. 337-365.24 Futamura, Madoka; Newman, Edward and Tadjbakhsh, Shahrbanou: “Towards a Human Security Approach toPeacebuilding”, Research Brief 2, United Nations University, 2010.25 Deutsch, Karl W. (1953): Nationalism and Social Communication. An Inquiry into the Foundations ofNationality, Cambridge, MA, Cambridge University Press; Berger, Peter L. and Luckmann, Thomas (1966): TheSocial Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge, Gar<strong>de</strong>n City, NY, Anchor Books;An<strong>de</strong>rson, Benedict (1983): Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism,London, Verso; Gellner, Ernest (1983): Nations and Nationalism, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press; andHobsbawm, Eric J. (1992): Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, Cambridge, MA,Cambridge University Press.17
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