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UNISCI - Universidad Complutense de Madrid

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<strong>UNISCI</strong> Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206action that sought to redress socio-economic inequalities through the equalization ofopportunities for hitherto marginalized groups. 56Article 153 of the Constitution is seldom highlighted as critical to inter-ethnic relations.The provision whilst calling to ensure special position of Malays and natives of Sabah andSarawak, calls for the safeguarding of the legitimate interests of other communities. 57However this is a provision that might be criticized as not being practical. Even intheory it is not easy to balance competing interests on the same resources, and hence whatbecomes necessary is a framework or set of gui<strong>de</strong>lines for assistance in implementing theprovision. 58 Such will ensure that priorities are ma<strong>de</strong> clear and factors that gui<strong>de</strong> the balancingof interests of the communities are laid out to avoid potential conflicts from arising duringimplementation of the provision. 59Much political rhetoric and media commentary has argued for the continuation ofChinese schools in the national education system but there is no such provision in eitherArticle 12 which <strong>de</strong>als with rights in respect of education or in Article 152 which <strong>de</strong>als withnational language. 60 It is reiterated that Chinese, Tamil, or any other language can be legallytaught within the national school system and that Chinese and Tamil primary schools are partof the national education system and their status is protected in law and policy. Article 152 (1)reads “no person shall be prohibited or prevented from using (other than for official purposes)or from teaching or learning any other language.” 61 Such a provision makes it clear that whileother languages are protected un<strong>de</strong>r the law, it does not inclu<strong>de</strong> mandatory usage in officialcontexts. This can be problematic as it immediately relegates the status of languages of non-Malay ethnic groups. 62 It has been argued that both ignorance and intensification ofcommunal politics continues to impinge upon the fundamental character of the nation and thestructure of the Constitution. 636.2. History and I<strong>de</strong>ntityThe Malay pre-eminence and dominance in all spheres of public life has been attributed to thehistoric contribution of Malay peasantry to the progress of the country since pre-In<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce. 64 Historic Malay political entities, distinguished by Malay Sultans since 1136,have been characterized by the Malay language and Islam as fundamental elements which<strong>de</strong>termined Malaysia’s i<strong>de</strong>ntity. 65It has been asserted that accepting historical realities in no way relegates a citizen to‘second class’. Conversely, there are non-Malays who espouse a view of history which56 Malaysiakini. (2005): "Keris-waving: Hishamuddin must apologise", Journal of Politics and Law vol. 2, no. 3(1 September 2005), athttp://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/39812.57 O'Shannassy, op. cit.58 O'Shannassy, op. cit.59 Muzaffar, "1 Malaysia and Citizenship", op. cit.60 Muzaffar, "Misconstruing the Constitution", op. cit.61 Muzaffar, "1 Malaysia: Looking Within: Reaching Without", op. cit.62 Men<strong>de</strong>s, E.P. (1994): Asian Values and Human Rights: Letting The Tigers Free, Ottawa: Human RightsResearch and Education Centre, University of Ottawa, athttp://www.uottawa.ca/hrrec/publicat/asian_values.html.63 Muzaffar, "1 Malaysia - 20 Months after", op. cit.64 Muzaffar, "History and Ethnic Sentiments", op. cit.65 Muzaffar, "1 Malaysia: Looking Within, Reaching Without", op. cit.198

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