<strong>UNISCI</strong> Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206Despite the call for the inclusion of diverse communication modalities in peace andreconciliation processes, very little rigorous ethnographic research has been un<strong>de</strong>rtaken onculturally embed<strong>de</strong>d mechanisms of disclosure and forgiveness, nor are there many practicalgui<strong>de</strong>lines as to how these mechanisms might be inclu<strong>de</strong>d in formal transitional justicestrategies. Yet increasingly, scholars and human rights activists are beginning to recognize theimportance of culture in supporting a transitional justice process ‘from below’. 38 Thefollowing statement issued by the ICTJ (2012) serves as useful direction:Oral tradition plays an important role as a source of law, a basis for claims, and aguarantee of action in indigenous societies. The performance of ceremonies to witness orcommemorate is an important element in validating and dignifying storytelling.... Such anapproach <strong>de</strong>mands bold discussion: How can we assess the validity of oral tradition asevi<strong>de</strong>nce? How do different cultures treat time and causality in narratives of the past?Who speaks for a community, and how may that differ from community members’individual accounts? On the basis of these reflections, truth commissions focused onindigenous rights could <strong>de</strong>vise innovative techniques for taking statements, processingdata, and <strong>de</strong>veloping standards of evi<strong>de</strong>nce. Similarly, learning from indigenous peopleson the most appropriate forms to transmit information should inform a truthcommission’s approach on outreach and dissemination of its findings. 394. Dinka Songs as TestimonyDebates about the social and political currency of African oral ‘art’ have occupied scholarsfor numerous <strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong>s. Finnegan (2012), Furniss (2004, 2008), Barber (2003, 2007), Keil(1979) Pongweni (1982), and Gunner (2008) 40 are amongst a growing stable of scholars inAfrican Studies who advocate for the place of orality in culture and memory, and as essentialto an un<strong>de</strong>rstanding of human cognition. The place of songs in oral history or politicaltestimony is not as well recognized, however, although historians such as Vaughan (1985),Vail and White (1983; 1991), Harries (1987), Finnegan (2007) and Sletto (2009) 41 have38 Baines, Erin K.: “The Haunting of Alice: Local Approaches to Justice and Reconciliation in NorthernUganda”, The International Journal of Transitional Justice, vol. 1 (2007), pp. 91–114; McEvoy and McGregor,op. cit.39 Arthur, Paige; Eduardo González; Yukyan Lam; Joanna Rice; César Rodríguez-Garavito and Deborah J.Yashar (2012): Truth And Memory: Strengthening Indigenous Rights through Truth Commissions: APractitioner’s Resource, International Center for Transitional Justice, p.5, athttp://ictj.org/publication/strengthening-indigenous-rights-through-truth-commissions-practitioners-resource40 Finnegan, Ruth (2007): The Hid<strong>de</strong>n Musicians. Making Music in an English Town. Wesleyan, WesleyanUniversity Press ; Furniss, Graham (2008): “On the multiple dimensions of memory in the oral communicativemoment”, Paper presented at the Seventh Conference of the International Society for Oral Literature in Africa(ISOLA), University of Salento, Lecce, Italy 11-15 June.; Barber, Karin: “Text and performance in Africa”,Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,vol. 66, nº 3 (2003), pp. 324-333; Barber, Karin (2007):The Anthropology of Texts, Persons and Publics: Oral and Written Culture in Africa and Beyond. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press; Keil, Charles (1979): Tiv Song. The Sociology of Art in a Classless Society,Chicago, University of Chicago Press; Pongweni, Alex. C.J. (1982): Songs that Won the Liberation Struggle.Zimbabwe, College Press; Gunner, Liz. (2008): Power, Marginality and African Oral Literature, Cambridge,Cambridge University Press.41 Vaughan, Megan: “Famine Analysis and Family Relations: 1949 in Nyasaland”, Past and Present, nº 108(1985), pp. 177-205; Vail, Leroy and Lan<strong>de</strong>g White: “Forms of Resistance: Songs and Perceptions of Power inColonial Mozambique”, The American Historical Review, vol. 88, nº 4 (1983), pp. 883-919; Vail, Leroy andLan<strong>de</strong>g White. (1991): Power and the Praise Poem: Southern African Voices in History, Charlottesville:University Press of Virginia; Harries, Patrick (1987): “A forgotten corner of the Transvaal’: Reconstructing thehistory of a relocated community through oral testimony and song” in Bozzoli, Belinda. (ed.): Class, Communityand Conflict. South African Perspectives, Johannesburg, Ravan Press.; Finnegan, Ruth (2012): [2 nd Edition] Oral64
<strong>UNISCI</strong> Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206argued persuasively for their role in historical reconstruction, offering an important space forthe voices of those otherwise marginalized or politically silenced. Doubts cast on the validityof songs as testimony tend to be attributed to their apparent transience, their inclination toalter over time and with different performers, and their expression in performance. To mostpeople in the Global North, ‘performance’ tends to be synonymous with entertainment ratherthan with embed<strong>de</strong>d social or political practice. In <strong>de</strong>fense of song as oral history,musicologist Richard Wid<strong>de</strong>ss aptly points out that ‘orality can too easily be seen as anegative condition, a condition of the stereotypical Other, a view that then lends unwelcomesupport to the Western aca<strong>de</strong>my’s lingering insistence that only music written in scores isreally worth taking seriously. We need to un<strong>de</strong>rstand what orality is, not what it is not.’ 42In the following section, I make a case for songs as socially and politically embed<strong>de</strong>dcommunication extending their role as ‘acts of citizenship’ that resonate in both the affectiveand pragmatic registers of human experience. By drawing on the symbols, resonances andmeanings that inhere in shared cultural practice, I contend that songs offer a significantplatform (sonic, contextual and discursive) for the elicitation and preservation of memories;they exercise emotional and i<strong>de</strong>ological power, and play a <strong>de</strong>cisive role in the reconstructionof individual and social i<strong>de</strong>ntities. Songs also provi<strong>de</strong> a space for the negotiation with power,operating as a veritable vox pop that is invoked to validate or criticize, and thus tocommunicate how power and the state is experienced or imagined more generally.Within the Dinka musical canon, the significance of songs is <strong>de</strong>termined by howpoignantly they address real events and experiences, and how effectively they inspire moralreflection; a mutuality that endorses the potency of song in political dialogue. In this regard,songs are a locus of communicative reciprocity, serving as a vehicle for both introspectivereflection and public pronouncement.Prior to consi<strong>de</strong>ring their role in national reconciliation, it would be pru<strong>de</strong>nt to outlinethe convention of song making in Dinka culture, briefly <strong>de</strong>scribing the mastery and meaningsof song performance, and explaining the significance affor<strong>de</strong>d them in Dinka society as apublic political platform.Dinka have a vast taxonomy of songs – praise songs, historical songs, political songs,cathartic songs, shaming songs etc. - each judiciously categorized according to specificfunctional, musical and performative distinctions. Every man and woman will accumulate arepertoire of personal songs during their lifetime that will chronicle personally significantevents, relationships and experiences, and will be performed, either solo or as a group, ondifferent occasions and for different purposes. A good composer may earn great respect fromhis/her clan and wi<strong>de</strong>r community; a social status that draws on a broa<strong>de</strong>r consi<strong>de</strong>ration that agood ‘keeper of words’ is a measure of person’s wisdom, lea<strong>de</strong>rship, and goodneighborliness, and extending the notion that good human relations are <strong>de</strong>rived from theaccommodation of one’s own interests to those of others. 43Literature in Africa, World Oral Literature Series, Cambridge, Open Book Publishers.; Sletto, Bjørn Ingmunn:‘“We drew what we imagined', Participatory mapping, Performance and the Art of Landscape Making’", CurrentAnthropology, vol. 50, nº 4 (2009), pp. 443-476.42 Wid<strong>de</strong>ss, Richard: “Songs without notes: Orality, writing and music in South Asia”, Inaugural Lecture,SOAS, University of London, 13 March 2008.43 Deng, op. cit. p. 15.; Evans-Pritchard likewise characterizes the Nuer as a people whose ‘values are embodiedin words through which they influence behavior’ Evans-Pritchard, E.E. (1940): The Nuer: A Description of theMo<strong>de</strong>s of Livelihood and Political Institutions of a Nilotic People, New York and Oxford, Oxford UniversityPress, p.135. Additionally, he notes the wi<strong>de</strong>spread use of the word cieng, which refers variously to home,65
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