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UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-22066.6. The EconomyThe Malaysian economy has been “ethnicized” 95 since Independence when the economicvulnerability of the majority Malay population had led to the Special Provision beingincorporated into the Federal Constitution of the country. 96The subsequent New Economic Policy led to the rapid social and economictransformation of one community in a single generation. For all its achievements, the ethnicapproach to the economy had also negative consequences. 97 First, it has constrictededucational and economic opportunities for important sections of the non-Malay communitiesand has constrained their social mobility. 98 Two, politically well-connected elementsespecially in middle and upper strata of the Malay community have benefitted much morefrom contracts, licenses, shares and dictatorships disbursed in the name of helping thecommunity than ordinary Malays who continue to struggle to make a living. Three, the ethnicapproach has increased ethnic polarization at various levels of society. 99It is believed that in the quest for "1 Malaysia", there is a burning need to reverse theadverse impact of the ethnic approach: 100 For this, the equilibrium established in theConstitution between ‘Special Position’ and ‘the legitimate interests of other communities’should be faithfully observed in policy and implementation; 101 the concept behind the firstprong of the National Economic Policy, ‘the eradication of poverty irrespective of ethnicity’should be expanded to embrace the needy and the disadvantaged, 102 whatever their culturaland religious background. 103 That is, “need” and not “ethnicity” should be the guidingprinciple in providing assistance in areas such as education and housing. Hence, the challengethat remains is to make “de-ethnicizing” the economy and enhancing justice for all, theagenda of each and every Malaysian. 104The challenge of low incomes and widening inequalities in Malaysian society is yetanother issue that has been flagged. To ensure inclusiveness, it is imperative that not only “aliving income” for the bottom 40% is ensured 105 but also that there is a reduction in theincreasing economic and social disparities that are an affront to human dignity. 10695 Muzaffar, Chandra, "1 Malaysia, Ethnicity and the Economy" , 1Malaysia Foundation, 17 December 2009.96 O'Shannassy, "Malaysia in 2011...", op. cit.97 Muzaffar, "1 Malaysia, Ethnicity and the Economy" , op. cit.98 Ibid.99 Zahiid, S.J. (2009): ‘Najib’s 1Malaysia in Smithereens, charges Kit Siang’, The Malaysian Insider. 7 May2009, at http://www.themalaysiainsider.com/lite/articles.php?id=25737.100 Muzaffar, Chandra: "Widening Income Inequality: A Challenge to 1 Malaysia", 1Malaysia Foundation,August 2010.101 Ibid.102 Ibid.103 Muzaffar, "1 Malaysia - 20 Months After", op. cit. and Muzaffar, "1 Malaysia, Ethnicity and the Economy" ,op. cit.104 Ibid.105 Muzaffar, "Widening Income Inequality: A Challenge to 1 Malaysia", op. cit.106 Zahiid, op. cit.202
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206II. SRI LANKA7. The BackgroundThe root causes of the three-decade conflict in Sri Lanka can be traced back tounequal treatment of the Tamil population and both real and perceived discrimination by theState. 107 Many Tamils believed the State and its structures favoured the interests of themajority community, and several changes in State practices were seen as discriminatory andunjust. The Tamil community’s campaign was against State structures and policiesconsidered discriminatory of the Tamils rather than against the Sinhalese. The failure of thedominant sections of the Sinhala polity to address these grievances, the failure to rigorouslyexamine changes in policy and practice by successive governments, so as to take intoaccount possible adverse impacts on minorities and avoid such impacts, the subsequentcreation of a Tamil political leadership which permitted the growth of unrealistic expectationsamongst the Tamil youth, all contributed to the birth of Tamil militancy. Finally, thedemocratic Tamil political leadership lost control and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam(LTTE) monopolized the Tamil struggle, with disastrous consequences for Tamils as well asfor the country as a whole.In its assessment of relations between the different ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, theSoulbury Commission referred to a permanent Sinhalese majority of more than two thirds ofthe total population, with the next largest segment (Tamils exclusive of up-countryTamils) being around ten percent. The Commission argued that the character of majorityminorityrelations was shaped by these demographic realities and governed by deepseatedpredispositions entrenched in the consciousness of both majority and minority whichled to apprehension and distrust. 108Though some Tamil grievances were expressed early on, it was only after 1956,following the Official Languages Act, that the political agenda of the Tamil partiesunderwent a fundamental change. For the first time after independence, the statement ofTamil grievances is clearly presented in the Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact andexplicitly linked to the need for political power at the regional level.The Bandaranaike–Chelvanayakam Pact was unilaterally abrogated by PrimeMinister Bandaranaike. Thereafter, broken pledges on the part of successive governmentsbecame a recurrent feature of the Sinhala–Tamil relationship and an overriding Tamilgrievance. But the decisive rift in the inter-ethnic relationship came with the anti-Tamil riotsof 1977 and 1981, the latter accompanied by a government motion of no-confidence in theleader of the democratic Tamil opposition. When this was followed by the Black July attacksof 1983, and the failure of the Government to provide adequate protection to Tamil citizens,while effectively driving the main Tamil political party out of parliament, militancy took overas the preferred option for many Tamil youngsters. 109With the emergence of armed groups in support of Tamil demands, the conflict tooka different complexion with attacks and counterattacks resulting in the deaths of107 Final Report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission Report, Government of Sri Lanka, atslembassyusa.org/downloads/LLRC-REPORT.pdf.108 Economist Intelligence Unit releases latest Sri Lanka – Risk Briefing, athttp://www.ft.lk/2013/04/20/economist-intelligence-unit-releases-latest-sri-lanka-risk-briefing/109 Final Report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission Report, Government of Sri Lanka, atslembassyusa.org/downloads/LLRC-REPORT.pdf.203
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ISSN 1696-2206 Nº 33 Octubre /Octo
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Juan Emilio CheyreDirector, Center
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