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UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206and inter-communal harmony are not alien to the country, the values of which are enshrinedin our shared history, cultures and legal frameworks. We need to capitalize and draw on thesestrengths to forge a robust system of governance that will be able to function withindependence and credibility. 144 Hence, for every allegation made, we will have theavailability of structures and norms to deal with such allegations domestically. In this regard,the implementation of the outcomes of the two national processes, namely the Lessons Learntand Reconciliation Commission and the National Human Rights Action Plan will demonstratethat homegrown mechanisms can credibly provide solutions, while improving our foreignrelations and prospects. Here once again is a demonstration of the link between domestic andforeign policy. 145It is in such a context, that a potential "1 Sri Lanka" project based on a model similar tothe "1 Malaysia" project must be considered. A caveat is in order. Given the differences innature, form and extent of the inter-ethnic relations and related occurrences and consequencesbetween the two countries, the Malaysian model cannot be seen to be relevant or applicable toSri Lanka "in toto". What becomes important then is to formulate a project for Sri Lanka thatembodies the overall ethos and notion of the "1 Malaysia" project, that is to foster inter-ethnicharmony and national unity, but one that is framed within the contours of local Sri Lankanrealities. 146The next point to consider is whether there is a need for such a project in Sri Lanka.Since the conclusion of the armed struggle with the defeat of the Tamil tigers by theGovernment of Sri Lanka in May 2009, the latter have put in place a mechanism called theLessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) which was to be modeled on a Truthand Reconciliation Commission along the lines of that instituted in South Africa on the heelsof the collapse of the Apartheid regime. However, despite the almost unanimous welcome thatthe LLRC Interim and Final Report received both nationally and internationally, theimplementation of the recommendations is still to take place.Hence, the need for such a project becomes relevant now more than ever in Sri Lanka.Given the need for a nationally adopted policy on reconciliation, there currently exists alacuna in post-war efforts in Sri Lanka: a vision for reconciliation and fostering of a sense oftogetherness between the communities is starkly and conspicuous in its absence. A vision andpolicy that is state-led and has the consensus and buy-in from all factions in government is theneed of the hour.Such will serve four key purposes: First, it will help the process of reconciliation, interethnicamity and national unity, by increasing faith in the State by the minority communitiesand also demonstrate to the international community that Sri Lanka as a nation is keen andserious about achieving inter-ethnic unity. The latter becomes critical given the fact that theSri Lankan conflict and post-conflict era has been under international scrutiny as described in144 Conference Report, Inaugural National Conference on Reconciliation, Lakshman Kadirgamar Institution ofInternational Relations and Strategic Studies, athttp://www.kadirgamarinstitute.lk/pub/inaugural_national_onference_on_reconciliation_session_1.pdf.145 Salma Yusuf: "Sri Lanka’s tryst with Reconciliation: Where are we today?", Groundviews, 31 January 2013,at http://groundviews.org/2013/01/31/sri-lankas-tryst-with-reconciliation-where-are-we-today/.146 Yusuf, Salma: "Sri Lanka: Justice And Equity As Pathways To National Security – Analysis", EurasiaReview, 29 August 2012, athttp://www.eurasiareview.com/29082012-sri-lanka-justice-and-equity-as-pathways-to-national-securityanalysis/.214
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 33 (Octubre / October 2013) ISSN 1696-2206an earlier part of this report. Third, such a project will provide vision and direction for postwarefforts in the country to the government, civil society, religious leaders, the businesscommunity, the media, the educationists and other stakeholders. Fourth, it will demonstratecommitment to reconciliation, inter-ethnic harmony and national unity by the State and thegovernment.Logically following from the conclusion reached in the foregoing discussion, that is,that there does in fact exist a need and relevance for a "1 Sri Lanka" project along the lines ofits Malaysian counterpart, the next aspect to be considered is what such a project shouldentail. Though the details must be a result of further deliberation and multi-stakeholderparticipation and consensus, the following will be a springboard to catalyze and initiatedialogue towards such a discussion.A "1Sri Lanka" concept must espouse, not unlike its Malaysian counterpart, a culture ofexcellence, perseverance, acceptance, education, integrity, meritocracy, humility and loyalty.It must also encompass National Key Results Areas (NKRIs) and Key Performance Indicators(KPIs) on issues that are seen as critical to generate inter-dependence between the majorityand minority communities in the country with the aim of fostering inter-ethnic amity but alsofor an actual and perceived sense of justice and fairness and equality to all its peoples, thelack of which was one of the key drivers of violence and tensions between communities in thepast.As a prerequisite to instituting a "1 Sri Lanka" vision, the Government of Sri Lankaneeds to engage major concerns that have haunted inter-ethnic relations in the country forover three decades. Without correcting them, all efforts towards a "1 Sri Lanka" notion willfail.The policy recommendations that follow will also demonstrate how a "1 Sri Lanka"project, unlike the "1 Malaysia project", will need to challenge and generate consensus onceand for all on the “ethnic fundamentals” of inter-ethnic relations in the country. This must beconsidered as much a challenge as an opportunity.16. The Issues16.1. LanguagePerceptions of discrimination and inequitable treatment led to calls for separatism. Mostupsetting among these was the introduction of a language policy that, whilst maintainingsegregation in education on the basis of language, privileged those who knew Sinhala withregard to state employment as well as dealings with officials. 147 This extended later torestrictions on educational opportunities based on language distinctions. Though initiallyintended as a means of positive discrimination, implementation was callous, and in oneinstance the system was changed after unfair allegations with regard to Tamil languageexaminers, who were cleared following inquiry. Though measures have been taken to147"Sweeping Reforms including Senate for Reconciliation", The Sunday Times, 11 March 2012, athttp://www.sundaytimes.lk/120311/News/nws_04.html; "National Policy on Reconciliation, Final Draft", Peacein Sri Lanka, August 2012, at http://www.peaceinsrilanka.lk/human-rights/national-policy-on-reconciliationfinal-draft-august-2012.215
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ISSN 1696-2206 Nº 33 Octubre /Octo
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Juan Emilio CheyreDirector, Center
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