Real freedom for all turtles in Sugarscape? - Presses universitaires ...

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O f f e – W h y h a s C u b a n s t a t e s o c i a l i s m e s c a p e d i t s " 1 9 8 9 " ? 275commodities). The consequences of this "misunderstanding", i.e. thecommodification of non-commodities, are disruptive social conflicts andself-destructive crises (such as, according to the reading of some, the currentfinancial, labor market, and ecological crises).6. Social democrats and democratic socialists believe (and are positivelydefined by their belief) that the resources of political power that can bemobilized within the institutions of a liberal democracy are sufficient andadequate to cope with each of the three destructive side-effects of marketsociety just summarized. To wit, antitrust legislation and its vigorousenforcement, designed to strengthen competition, is believed to counteractthe first of our three pathologies. The second is addressed by a great varietyof regulatory and market-constraining policies, national as well asinternationally coordinated, enforcing the honesty, fairness, andtransparency of market transactions. Finally, the third set of problems isapproached by applying protective measures and guarantees both toemployees (non-negotiable status rights provided by welfare state and codeterminationarrangements) and natural resources (environmentalprotection), with the ban on purely speculative financial market transactions(i. e., the commodification of money) that have severed their ties to the "real"economy being an urgent contemporary third item within this bundle ofprotective policies. These protective measures are adopted to ensure that"exploitation" (i. e. the taking of unfair advantage among economic actors) iseffectively foreclosed. Whether or not these beliefs in the potency ofcorrective policies will still turn out to be valid is a question the answer towhich depends critically, in the face of "globalization", on the capability ofstates to engage in supranational forms of regulation and protection. Socialdemocrats carry a heavy burden of proof: should their beliefs turn out to beuntenable, or the practical implications of these beliefs unfeasible, globalsociety will be left exposed to disruptive crises and to the conflicts resultingfrom giant injustices.7. Why is it that liberal democracy, as opposed to some form of authoritarianegalitarianism, is believed by democratic socialists to be an adequateinstitutional framework for coping with the inherent pathologies of capitalistmarket societies? The quality of a democracy being liberal means that rightsof citizens provide for limitations and constraints on the extent to whichpolitical power can be used for (supposedly) collectively beneficial goals."Liberal" democracy means that there are (human, economic, cultural,political, social) rights attached to persons; these (largely inalienable) rightscan be used by them according to their own preferences and interests and
276A r g u i n g a b o u t j u s t i c eenforced in independent courts. There is clearly a tension between the twodefining features of a polity being liberal and at the same time democratic. Ifthe "will of the people" is supposed to rule, why accept limitations to thatrule by recognizing and enforcing liberties, the use of which may turn out torestrict and interfere with democratic rule?The short version of the answer is that the "will of the people" is ahomogenizing artefact fabricated by leaders (however benevolent they mayhappen to be) rather than a reality that can be determined, or derived fromany political doctrine, in the absence of people using their rights to expresswhat their will actually consists in. If I am not mistaken, there is, in someregions of Latin America, a strong tendency by political elites to claim acertain knowledge of what people want and need; this tendency is mostunderstandable under conditions of profound and evident social injustices.Yet it is a tendency that is in danger of de-activating and alienating exactlythose "people" in whose name leaders of progressive populist movementsclaim to speak. It is true that at least some people can use their rights inorder to obstruct progressive policies; they can be stopped from doing so byany combination of the three antidotes mentioned in #6. They are likely tomake every effort to act even more obstructively in case they are deprived ofthese rights.8. Rights are containers of liberties. There are (at least) two vastly divergentinterpretations of what "liberty" means. One is the libertarian reading or"liberty from …". It emphasizes the negative and passive aspect, as the libertyis seen to consist in, according to this interpretation, the right not to beinterfered with in the use of the right (of property, of opinion and itsexpression etc.) by political authorities. The other is a positive and activereading, or "liberty to…". To be free means, at the individual as well as on thecollective level, to be in the possession of the resources and security thatallow you to pursue your own life plans and fashion your own way of livingso as to realize the full potential of your social existence, as long as doing sodoes not interfere with the equal liberty of any other person. Thus, a personis free if and when s/he is in full possession of the resources andopportunities needed to be in control of one's own fate and at the same timefree from fear and asymmetrical dependency upon others. According to thisreading, liberty is something that must not just be respected by authorities; itis something the essence of which must be provided for, generated, andguaranteed by political authorities. To illustrate the difference between thetwo readings: A person who is a long-term unemployed in a contemporaryEuropean country enjoys perfect liberty according to the first understandingof the term. But s/he suffers from a total denial of liberty according to the
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6A r g u i n g a b o u t j u s t i
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Marriages as assets?Real freedom an
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A l s t o t t - M a r r i a g e s a
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The guaranteed income as an equalop
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A r n s p e r g e r & J o h n s o n
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Reflections on the limits of argume
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B a k e r - R e f l e c t i o n s o
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Taxation, fees and social justiceFr
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B l a i s - T a x a t i o n , f e e
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B l a i s - T a x a t i o n , f e e
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Real freedomfor all turtles in Suga
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B o u l a n g e r - R e a l f r e e
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Linguistic diversityand economic se
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B o w l e s - L i n g u i s t i c d
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Legitimate partiality, parents and
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B r i g h o u s e & S w i f t - L e
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126A r g u i n g a b o u t j u s t
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Distributing freedom over whole liv
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C a r t e r - D i s t r i b u t i n
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Why do we blame survivors?Jean-Mich
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C h a u m o n t - W h y d o w e b l
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Page 230 and 231: English or Esperanto:a case for lev
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Page 284 and 285: A universal duty to careIngrid Robe
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Page 322 and 323: On genetic inequalityHillel Steiner
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S t e i n e r - O n g e n e t i c i
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A federal electoral district for Be
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Lamentationin the face of historica
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V r o u s a l i s - L a m e n t a t
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Why we demand anunconditional basic
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W i d e r q u i s t - T h e E C S O
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Linguistic protectionismand wealth
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W i l l i a m s - L i n g u i s t i
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In defense of genderlessnessErik Ol
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W r i g h t - I n d e f e n s e o f
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