Real freedom for all turtles in Sugarscape? - Presses universitaires ...

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A l s t o t t - M a r r i a g e s a s a s s e t s ? 57thus requires both (1) fair background conditions and (2) access to a widearray of opportunities. Basic income serves both agendas by equalizingmaterial resources and providing a catalyst for a vibrant market economyoffering a variety of life options.These two principles begin to suggest a notion of real freedom to formrelationships – relational freedom. Begin with fair background conditions.Basic income could enhance relational freedom by helping break down classbarriers to relationship formation. But basic income may be insufficient, ifremaining barriers deny individuals access to possible marriage partners orto the emotional development and life stability they need to offer themselvesas plausible partners.Imagine a very appealing person who happens to have a low income. Callher Justine. Attractive, responsible, and personable, Justine wishes to marryand would easily find a marriage partner if she were middle-class. But hereducation in inferior schools has left her to the tender mercies of the lowwagelabor market. She scrambles to put together thirty hours a week ofwork at fast-food restaurants, and, like many other low-income workers, sheis often unemployed and has no savings. Her family members face similardisruptions, including risks of homelessness, disability, and illness that arehigher than for the middle class.With these disadvantages, Justine is perhaps not such an attractivemarriage prospect after all. Compounding her situation, Justine is mostlylikely to meet others much like herself – at work, at school, and around theneighborhood. Pooling income with a partner could smooth cash flow, but ifJustine is very risk-averse, she may worry that if the partner experiences amajor crisis, she could lose everything she has worked for.Justine’s situation reflects multiple injustices. Some could be redressed bybasic income, which could offer Justine (and her potential partners)geographic mobility and a cushion against unemployment and other crises.Measures to promote access to a variety of other potential partners and tocombat discrimination in relationship formation would also be needed.Educational reforms and employment reforms could help enhance classmobility and break down discriminatory barriers.But measures to promote relational freedom could require cost and effortbeyond those required to enable fair opportunities in the economicmarketplace. Possibilities include programs like mandatory national servicefor young people, which might, among other goals, aim to mix young adultsfrom diverse backgrounds at a time of intense interest in relationshipformation. Online dating technology holds both promise and pitfalls,because it can permit wider interactions than most of us manage in day-todaylife – or can be used to create filters and barriers to narrow our
58A r g u i n g a b o u t j u s t i c einteractions with others. These specific policies may – or may not – survive acloser examination. But the core idea is that society ought to pay dueattention to the legal and social structures that enhance or constrictopportunities for relationship formation.It may seem that relational freedom demands too much of the state. If thelaw should do more to foster intimate relationships, why shouldn’t itpromote other relationships as well? Suppose that Sheila, a competitiveswimmer, wants very badly to train with a specific coach, Coach X, but hetrains only a few swimmers each year. Doesn’t society owe it to Sheila to doall it can to redress the shortage of Coach X’s time?But our two principles imply limits on what society owes Sheila. She oughtto receive a basic income, and she ought to grow up in conditions that giveher a fair chance to choose and act upon a vision of the good. She ought tohave an equal chance to bid on the swim coach’s time. Even so, the swimcoach should be able to set his own terms, including not only a swimmer’sability to pay his fee but also the swimmer’s talent and personality.The larger point is that society need not (and should not) maximizeSheila’s chance at working with a top swim coach, any more than it shouldmaximize Justine’s chance of marrying. Instead, the goal is to provide fairaccess to a variety of life options.The second principle points out an additional deficiency in backgroundconditions: a just society should offer a variety of options for structuringpeer relationships, but U.S. marriage law offers (in effect) just two: marriageand everything else. Most states offer just one version of marriage, leavingother relationships largely unregulated; and most states do not recognizeefforts to set the terms of intimate relationships by contract.The law could offer a broader set of options for defining financial and legalobligations. The law might, for example, provide a "check the box" menu toallow conjugal and nonconjugal couples to specify the duration of therelationship, expectations for support during the relationship and afterward,and the desired arrangements for property ownership, inheritance, andhealth care proxies and visitation (Kavanagh 2004).One potential problem is that a check-the-box regime could permit someindividuals to disclaim obligations to vulnerable people. No-fault divorce,for instance, expanded freedom for women and men to exit relationships.But it also left many women poor. How, if at all, should the law respond tothe possibility that check-the-box relationships could improve the situationof the powerful at the expense of the vulnerable?The problem merits careful analysis, but as a first cut, we can imaginedefault rules or mandatory terms that could protect women (or men)engaged in traditionally female roles. These protections are most important
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Page 62 and 63: The guaranteed income as an equalop
Page 64 and 65: A r n s p e r g e r & J o h n s o n
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Page 94 and 95: Real freedomfor all turtles in Suga
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B o w l e s - L i n g u i s t i c d
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Legitimate partiality, parents and
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B r i g h o u s e & S w i f t - L e
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Distributing freedom over whole liv
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Why do we blame survivors?Jean-Mich
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English or Esperanto:a case for lev
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F l e u r b a e y - E n g l i s h o
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Should a Marxistbelieve in human ri
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L a c r o i x - S h o u l d a M a r
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A universal duty to careIngrid Robe
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R o b e yn s - A u n i v e r s a l
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The ideological roots of inequality
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R o e m e r - T h e i d e o l o g i
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Philosophers andtaboo trade-offs in
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S c h o k k a e r t - P h i l o s o
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On genetic inequalityHillel Steiner
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S t e i n e r - O n g e n e t i c i
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A federal electoral district for Be
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Lamentationin the face of historica
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V r o u s a l i s - L a m e n t a t
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Why we demand anunconditional basic
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W i d e r q u i s t - T h e E C S O
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Linguistic protectionismand wealth
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W i l l i a m s - L i n g u i s t i
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In defense of genderlessnessErik Ol
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W r i g h t - I n d e f e n s e o f
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