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ater Ghani’s outreach to Pakistan, it is not likely that Islamabad will liquidate all of these assets to<br />

please Kabul.<br />

These political and security uncertainties already have had a pronounced effect on Afghanistan’s<br />

fragile economy. Domestic economic performance in 2013 and 2014 was even worse than expected,<br />

with massive economic shrinkage, large unemployment, capital flight, and a chronic as well as<br />

acute fiscal crisis. In addition to the post-2014 uncertainties and the fact that much of Afghanistan’s<br />

legal economic growth has been tied to the presence of foreign security forces now leaving the<br />

country, the inability of the Afghan government to improve tax and customs collection and reduce<br />

massive corruption has caused a significant shrinkage in GDP growth. From double digits earlier<br />

in the decade, GPD growth plummeted to almost zero in spring 2015. 19 Indeed, revenue thet in<br />

2014 turned out to be the worst since 2001. The promise of the country’s mineral wealth producing<br />

revenues to wean Afghanistan off dependence on foreign aid and illegal opium production for<br />

income generation, economic growth, and human development remains just a promise.<br />

Pakistan’s Policies toward Afghanistan<br />

Political instability and the accompanying economic crisis will deeply affect the performance,<br />

loyalties, and sustainability of Afghan security forces. They also deeply affect the expectation of<br />

stability and relative effectiveness of power arrangements in Afghanistan that Pakistan uses to<br />

evaluate its policies toward the country. An unstable Afghanistan hosting anti-Pakistan militant<br />

groups is deeply threatening. But in the absence of dramatically improved and normalized<br />

relations with India, Pakistan still likely prefers this scenario to one in which a strong Afghanistan<br />

is closely aligned with India.<br />

In the context of unresolved difficulties in its relations with India and great uncertainty in<br />

Afghanistan, Pakistan chooses to continue cultivating Afghan Pashtun militants. Clearly the<br />

Pakistani government (or at least parts of it) has been coddling the Afghan Taliban and the<br />

Haqqani network for years. The ISI’s relationship with the latter has been particularly tight.<br />

More than merely allowing the groups to enjoy safe havens in FATA, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa,<br />

Baluchistan, and Karachi, as well as fundraising in Pakistan, the ISI has also provided logistical<br />

support, armaments, and technical and logistical advice to the insurgents. At the same time, the<br />

ISI has actively sought to exploit the provision of these resources and safe havens to the militant<br />

groups to influence their strategic decision-making and tactical operations. ISI observers have<br />

participated in meetings of the Quetta Shura and used coercion, such as selectively arresting and<br />

releasing key Afghan militant leaders and de facto holding hostage their families in Pakistan, to<br />

manipulate decisions regarding military operations in Afghanistan or negotiations with Kabul or<br />

Washington. 20 Interrogations of Taliban and Haqqani militants have revealed that in meetings<br />

with the insurgents, ISI officers are regularly hostile to the United States, ISAF, and the Afghan<br />

government. They call for continued jihad and for expelling “foreign invaders” from Afghanistan,<br />

a message that strongly resonates with Taliban members. 21<br />

However, the relationship between the ISI and Afghan militants is also fraught with tensions.<br />

Much of the Taliban, particularly in southern Afghanistan, resents the degree of influence and<br />

132<br />

NBR<br />

19 Author’s interviews with World Bank and International Monetary Fund officials in Afghanistan, September and October 2014, and in<br />

Washington, D.C., November 2014. See also “Afghan Traders Protest Taxes; 10 Die as Bombs Target Police,” Associated Press, April 6, 2015.<br />

20 Matt Waldman, “The Sun in the Sky: The Relationship between Pakistan’s ISI and Afghan Insurgents,” Discussion Paper, no. 18, Crisis States<br />

Research Center, June 2010, www.aljazeera.com/mritems/Documents/2010/6/13/20106138531279734lse-isi-taliban.pdf.<br />

21 “State of the Taliban,” 8.<br />

SPECIAL REPORT u FEBRUARY 2016

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