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While Pakistani elites have time and time again continued down a path of state building<br />

that gives rise to these violent fissures, Pakistan’s institutions have not evolved to manage these<br />

enduring threats effectively. Even though the country’s military, paramilitary, and intelligence<br />

agencies have enabled, if not outright created, these same threats, they—not the local police—<br />

nonetheless take the lead in fighting internal security threats. This situation gives rise to a curious<br />

paradox: Pakistan handles domestic asymmetric threats with conventional military means while<br />

managing conventional security challenges with India and Afghanistan through asymmetric tools<br />

such as state proxies. The record of the armed forces in these conflicts is mixed. In some cases—for<br />

example, various periods in Baluchistan, Karachi in the 1990s, and Swat in 2009—the army has<br />

used excessive force to diminish the rebels’ ability to operate. However, it has done so at a high cost<br />

in terms of civilian casualties and human rights abuses. 6<br />

At the same time, institutions responsible for enforcing the rule of law have long been enervated<br />

and incapable of managing the myriad threats to the state. Part of Pakistan’s inability to manage<br />

these challenges is due to a distinct lack of will: some of the Islamist terrorist groups savaging the<br />

nation have overlapping membership with other Islamist militant groups that carry out the army’s<br />

preferred policies in Afghanistan and India. Thus, there is an inescapable link between Pakistan’s<br />

external security environment and the tools the state has developed to manage it—namely,<br />

militant proxies managed by the army and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)—and the country’s<br />

own internal security environment. While this chronic failure to provide security stems, at least<br />

in some measure, from a lack of capability, the central and provincial governments have demurred<br />

from undertaking the necessary reforms throughout the civil service and police organizations to<br />

fortify these critical institutions. A detailed explanation for this is beyond the scope of this essay,<br />

but this issue has much to do with the path dependency of patronage politics in Pakistan. 7<br />

In this essay, I first provide a historical overview of political violence in Pakistan’s recent past.<br />

Second, I provide a thumbnail sketch of the key organizations providing this violence. The third<br />

section then exposits how Pakistan’s internal and external security environments are intrinsically<br />

interlinked. Here, I detail what is known (or suspected in most cases) about the linkages between<br />

these groups and Pakistan’s military and intelligence agencies (and even political parties as<br />

appropriate). I contend that these linkages between external security policy and domestic security<br />

management will continue to pose enduring problems for Pakistan unless the state fundamentally<br />

changes the ways in which it manages its external security environment and even the ideology<br />

of the state. The fourth section provides an overview of security governance in Pakistan and<br />

the key roadblocks that prevent the country from better managing its internal security (e.g., the<br />

commitment to jihad under its nuclear umbrella as a tool of foreign policy). I conclude with a<br />

discussion of implications.<br />

36<br />

NBR<br />

6 “Pakistan: Abuses, Impunity Erode Rights,” Human Rights Watch, February 1, 2013, http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/02/01/pakistan-abusesimpunity-erode-rights;<br />

Human Rights Watch, “We Can Torture, Kill, or Keep You for Years”: Enforced Disappearances by Pakistan Security<br />

Forces in Balochistan (New York: Human Rights Watch, 2011), http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/pakistan0711WebInside.<br />

pdf; and “Pakistan: Extrajudicial Executions by Army in Swat,” Human Rights Watch, July 16, 2010, http://www.hrw.org/news/2010/07/16/<br />

pakistan-extrajudicial-executions-army-swat.<br />

7 See, inter alia, International Crisis Group, “Reforming Pakistan’s Criminal Justice System,” Asia Report, no. 196, December 2010,<br />

http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/pakistan/196%20Reforming%20Pakistans%20Criminal%20Justice%20System.<br />

pdf; International Crisis Group, “Reforming Pakistan’s Civil Service,” Asia Report, no. 185, February 2010, http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/<br />

media/Files/asia/south-asia/pakistan/185%20Reforming%20Pakistans%20Civil%20Service.pdf; International Crisis Group, “Reforming<br />

Pakistan’s Police,” Asia Report, no. 157, July 2008, http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/pakistan/157_reforming_<br />

pakistan_s_police.pdf; and International Crisis Group, “Reforming the Judiciary in Pakistan,” Asia Report, no. 160, http://www.crisisgroup.<br />

org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/pakistan/160_reforming_the_judiciary_in_pakistan.pdf.<br />

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