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China<br />

China has been the bulwark of Pakistan’s security and is its most significant international<br />

partner. As Jayadeva Ranade examines in his essay, China provided significant assistance in<br />

the development of Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program and is its largest supplier of military<br />

equipment. 8 The foundation of the partnership is based on common negativity toward India.<br />

While Sino-Indian ties have become multifaceted over the past few decades, old problems remain;<br />

hence, the cement of the Sino-Pakistani relationship should hold for the foreseeable future.<br />

The threat of Uighur jihadism is growing in China and is no longer confined to Xinjiang. There<br />

is a sizeable reservoir of sympathy and support for the Uighurs among Pakistani jihadi groups.<br />

Although Pakistan has attempted to combat these tendencies, this is one area where China will<br />

expect Pakistan to act with even greater vigor.<br />

Alongside security ties, China’s economic engagement with Pakistan will continue to grow,<br />

especially as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor between Xinjiang and Gwadar port develops.<br />

China has committed $46 billion for the project, of which more than $30 billion will be spent<br />

on power projects in Pakistan. 9 The project was the centerpiece of Chinese president Xi Jinping’s<br />

visit to Pakistan in April 2015. Apart from their economic impact, these investments will create<br />

a positive vested interest for China in Pakistan apart from the two countries’ common antipathy<br />

toward India. China’s involvement in infrastructure development, including in the energy sector,<br />

will only increase in the years ahead.<br />

Iran<br />

Pakistan-Iran relations have been tense since the shah was overthrown in 1979. Mutual<br />

suspicions over the sectarian attitudes of Pakistan’s state institutions, the nuclear question,<br />

differing approaches toward Afghanistan, and Pakistan’s relationships with Saudi Arabia and the<br />

United States have contributed to uneven ties. Although it is unlikely that relations will break<br />

down completely, strains below the surface will continue. The strength of Pakistan’s relations with<br />

Saudi Arabia will have a major impact on Pakistan-Iran relations. While there is little doubt that<br />

Pakistan’s strong bonds with Saudi Arabia will endure, Islamabad will not directly get involved in<br />

the Saudi-Iran tensions or conflict unless the security of Saudi Arabia is under imminent threat.<br />

This was demonstrated in April 2015 when Pakistan denied Saudi Arabia’s appeal for military<br />

assistance in its Yemen campaign.<br />

As Tariq A. Karim argues in his essay, heightened energy cooperation offers Pakistan and Iran<br />

a unique opportunity to rebuild their relationship. Pakistan has considerable energy interests<br />

in Iran, especially in the country’s vast gas reserves. With the liting of U.S. sanctions following<br />

the Iran nuclear deal, the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline will become a serious possibility, which, if<br />

realized, would facilitate increased energy trade.<br />

8 T.V. Paul, “The Causes and Consequences of China-Pakistani Nuclear/Missile Collaboration,” in South Asia’s Nuclear Security Dilemma:<br />

India, Pakistan, and China, ed. Lowell Dittmer (New York: Routledge, 2005), 181–82. For further insight into Chinese arms supplies to<br />

Pakistan, see Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), SIPRI Arms Transfers Database, http://www.sipri.org/databases/<br />

armstransfers.<br />

9 Katharine Houreld, “China and Pakistan Launch Economic Corridor Plan Worth $46 Billion,” Reuters, April 20, 2015, http://www.reuters.<br />

com/article/2015/04/20/us-pakistan-china-idUSKBN0NA12T20150420.<br />

PAKISTAN’S COMPLEX SECURITY DYNAMICS u KATJU<br />

177

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