That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...
That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...
That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...
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the ICTY, the UN Security Council conceived of the Tribunal as a peace-en<strong>for</strong>cement measure<br />
whose principal contributions would be to deter further atrocities and, quite simply, provide<br />
justice through the very process of prosecuting those responsible <strong>for</strong> atrocities the world had<br />
failed to prevent. At a time when domestic prosecutions were not seen as credible to the extent<br />
they occurred at all, the ICTY at first largely took the place of domestic legal processes of reckoning<br />
with 1990s era atrocities. Relatively early in the ICTY’s life, the Tribunal began to play a<br />
second role. From 1996 through 2004, the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the ICTY played<br />
a supervisory role in relation to Bosnian war crimes prosecutions by reviewing proposed war<br />
crimes indictments of national prosecutors. Only about midway through the Tribunal’s life did<br />
key international actors fundamentally reconceive the Tribunal’s relationship with domestic<br />
courts in the Balkans. In this third phase, the ICTY became a key catalyst <strong>for</strong> ramping up<br />
Bosnia’s domestic capacity to prosecute wartime atrocities.<br />
A. The ICTY’s Relationship with Bosnian Courts: Phase I<br />
1. Primacy<br />
In its early years, the ICTY operated in marked detachment from local courts. While seeking<br />
to answer victims’ calls <strong>for</strong> justice through its own prosecutions, the Tribunal also inevitably<br />
represented a judgment by the international community that local courts in the Balkans were<br />
largely unable to mount credible prosecutions of wartime atrocities themselves.<br />
As we note below, this judgment was amply justified at the time the ICTY was created<br />
and <strong>for</strong> years after. Legally, however, the Tribunal’s statute from the outset made room<br />
<strong>for</strong> local courts to play a role complementary to that of the ICTY. In the technical jargon of<br />
international law, the ICTY’s relationship with domestic courts in Bosnia and elsewhere is one<br />
of “primacy”: While the ICTY exercises concurrent jurisdiction with domestic courts in the<br />
<strong>for</strong>mer Yugoslavia and elsewhere, those courts must defer to the ICTY if it decides to assert its<br />
jurisdiction in a case. 694 In principle, however, national courts’ displacement in specific cases<br />
need not entail their broader disqualification as partners in the project of rendering justice<br />
<strong>for</strong> atrocious crimesIndeed, in his report to the Security Council proposing what became the<br />
ICTY Statute, then UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali affirmed the important role<br />
of national courts in the process of accountability: “In establishing [the ICTY],” Boutros-Ghali<br />
said, “it was not the intention of the Security Council to preclude or prevent the exercise of<br />
jurisdiction by national courts with respect to such acts. Indeed national courts should be<br />
encouraged to exercise their jurisdiction in accordance with their relevant national laws and<br />
procedures.” 695 The first president of the ICTY, Judge Antonio Cassese, made a similar point<br />
in the ICTY’s first annual report to the UN Security Council and General Assembly, noting<br />
that the ICTY “does not monopolize criminal jurisdiction over certain categories of offences<br />
committed in the <strong>for</strong>mer Yugoslavia.” 696<br />
108 IMPACT ON DOMESTIC WAR CRIMES PROSECUTIONS