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That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...

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face” in having to seek international approval to proceed, a process they found “shameful.” 722<br />

The sense of shame inherent in this process was, according to a study by the human rights<br />

centers of <strong>Be</strong>rkeley University and the University of Sarajevo, compounded by the ICTY’s poor<br />

communication with some of the jurists who submitted files <strong>for</strong> approval. Based on interviews<br />

with “thirty-two Bosnian judges and prosecutors with primary or appellate jurisdiction <strong>for</strong><br />

national war crimes trials” in 1999, this study reported that:<br />

ICTY officials failed to keep their Bosnian colleagues in<strong>for</strong>med of the status of the [Rules<br />

of the Road] investigations, even in response to direct inquiries. … A judge reported<br />

that after having submitted twenty-five case and waiting eight months, the ICTY had<br />

not responded. Other judges and prosecutors stated that they too had submitted files<br />

several years be<strong>for</strong>e and had received no communication … These professionals viewed<br />

the ICTY as unresponsive and detrimental to the ability of Bosnian courts to conduct<br />

national war crimes trials. 723<br />

Several observers share the jurists’ judgment that the Rules of the Road process inadvertently<br />

contributed to Bosnian courts’ protracted inability to play a major role in war crimes<br />

prosecutions. The overall impact of the Rules of the Road process, in two writers’ words, was<br />

to “shut down all ef<strong>for</strong>ts by Bosnian government authorities to utilize justice to remove war<br />

criminals from powerful post-war positions.” 724 <strong>Be</strong>lieving that the process of seeking ICTY<br />

approval had a demoralizing effect on Bosnian prosecutors, Burke-White draws a link to Bosnian<br />

courts’ desultory per<strong>for</strong>mance in respect of cases cleared <strong>for</strong> prosecution by the ICTY.<br />

Of the 846 cases in this category, 725 Burke-White notes, “only fifty-four (11%) had reached trial<br />

stage in domestic courts by January 2005.” 726<br />

But it would be unfair to lay primary or even major blame <strong>for</strong> the Bosnian judiciary’s<br />

failures at the ICTY’s doorstep. 727 As noted earlier, by all accounts the Bosnian judicial system<br />

suffered serious, systemic problems as it emerged from the wreckage of armed conflict as well<br />

as from a deeper legacy of communist rule728 and these were hardly limited to war crimes<br />

prosecutions. A November 2000 report by the <strong>International</strong> Crisis Group squarely laid blame<br />

<strong>for</strong> the abysmal record of follow-up by courts in Republika Srpska on the nationalist structures<br />

in which they were embedded: “A number of war crimes cases have already been referred by<br />

The Hague to local courts and more can be expected,” the ICG wrote, “but these cases have<br />

simply shown up the inability of the Bosnian justice system, as presently constituted, to handle<br />

war crimes cases.” 729<br />

Years after the Rules of the Road program ended, moreover, courts in Republika Srpska<br />

have been slower than courts in the Federation in bringing war crimes suspects to justice. 730<br />

While the district prosecutor’s office in Banja Luka has been proactive in prosecuting war<br />

crimes cases, 731 it is typically described as an exception to the general rule.<br />

112 IMPACT ON DOMESTIC WAR CRIMES PROSECUTIONS

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