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That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...

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in the late 1990s, as it finally began to secure custody of indicted suspects. In this setting,<br />

governments might have seen ef<strong>for</strong>ts to build a domestic war crimes court as a “ploy to get<br />

around the ICTY” just when it was finally becoming truly effective. 915<br />

In a somewhat similar vein, Fidelma Donlon, a <strong>for</strong>mer head of the OHR’s Criminal<br />

Institutions and Prosecutorial Re<strong>for</strong>m Unit and <strong>for</strong>mer deputy registrar of the Court of BiH,<br />

believes that key donors’ already substantial financial contribution to the ICTY may have contributed<br />

to the international community’s tardiness in preparing domestic courts to handle<br />

war crimes cases: donors thought their existing contributions were sufficient. 916 Additionally,<br />

she writes, “many diplomats misconstrued the Rules of the Road agreement” in ways that led<br />

them to “believe that there were procedures in place to address problems with national trials,<br />

when in fact there were not.” 917 “With the benefit of hindsight,” Donlon concludes, the Peace<br />

Implementation Council’s 1998 meeting, in which it addressed the need <strong>for</strong> judicial re<strong>for</strong>m<br />

but failed to address war crimes prosecutions in particular, was a lost opportunity to “comprehensively<br />

audit the work of the national authorities in relation to war crimes cases and develop<br />

a strategy to combat impunity.” 918<br />

It is of course impossible to know whether the international community could have<br />

made greater headway in preparing Bosnian courts to handle war crimes prosecutions had it<br />

made concerted ef<strong>for</strong>ts sooner. What seems relatively apparent, however, is that “there was<br />

no clear strategy” about judicial re<strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> years, and “a lot of time was wasted.” 919 At the very<br />

least, the experience in Bosnia highlights the risk that the operation of an international court,<br />

however necessary, may induce an unwarranted complacence when it comes to domestic<br />

courts.<br />

More broadly, the Bosnia experience highlights the crucial importance of recognizing<br />

early on that any international court can try only a small fraction of those responsible <strong>for</strong> mass<br />

atrocities and national courts must be adequately prepared to play a major role in providing<br />

justice. If the need <strong>for</strong> effective local partners became clear only when the ICTY was pushed<br />

to contemplate winding up its work, in the future this point should be clear from the moment<br />

that an international court becomes involved in prosecuting mass atrocities.<br />

During an interview in March 2007, ICTY Judge Wolfgang Schomburg drew the same<br />

conclusion. Noting that “the ICTY is only one wheel in the entire machinery” of transitional<br />

justice, he said that “one of the most important lessons to be learned … in the future, when<br />

establishing an international tribunal, is that you must take care to ensure that a functioning<br />

judiciary worth its name be established at the same time in the area, i.e. capacity building<br />

from the outset.” 920<br />

b. The role of international actors<br />

While the best approach <strong>for</strong> bolstering domestic courts’ capacity to undertake complex war<br />

crimes cases depends on the particular circumstances of each context, the model <strong>for</strong>ged in<br />

THAT SOMEONE GUILTY BE PUNISHED 131

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