That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...
That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...
That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...
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importance <strong>for</strong> many Bosniak victims, the charges against Milošević included genocide—and<br />
not just <strong>for</strong> Srebrenica. Moreover, because the prosecution’s case aimed to prove that <strong>Be</strong>lgrade<br />
institutions provided crucial support to Bosnian Serb <strong>for</strong>ces, a verdict that sustained this claim<br />
would establish “that Serbia and Montenegro made an aggression,” 491 as Hatidža Mehmedović<br />
put it. 492<br />
2. The collateral damage of self-representation<br />
One issue that both contributed to the length of the Milošević trial and was cause <strong>for</strong> deep<br />
concern in itself was the way the Tribunal handled—or many would say, mishandled—the<br />
challenges presented by Milošević’s self-representation. Defendants be<strong>for</strong>e the ICTY are<br />
legally entitled to represent themselves, 493 and Slobodan Milošević famously exploited this<br />
right, “trans<strong>for</strong>ming the courtroom into his political plat<strong>for</strong>m.” 494 As has often been noted,<br />
Milošević’s insistence on representing himself “posed a profound challenge to the conduct<br />
of [his] trial.” 495<br />
This subject, too, has received extensive analysis by others, and the Justice Initiative<br />
has recently published a report devoted exclusively to the challenges presented by political<br />
leaders who represent themselves in war crimes trials. 496 Again, we do not revisit this subject<br />
in depth here but briefly try to capture the impact of self-defending suspects’ behavior on<br />
Bosnians’ experience of justice and, even more briefly, their perceptions of responsibility <strong>for</strong><br />
the problems presented in these cases.<br />
For many Bosnians it was excruciating to watch Milošević mock the court, treating<br />
judges “without respect.” 497 Virtually everyone we interviewed in Bosnia believes that<br />
Milošević’s ability to use his trial as a plat<strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> Serb nationalism “could have been avoided”<br />
if ICTY judges had exercised proper control of the courtroom. 498 Along with many attorneys<br />
both within and outside Bosnia, Damir Arnaut, a senior advisor to the Bosniak member of<br />
the Presidency, believes that the ICTY could have found better ways to handle the challenges<br />
presented by Milošević without compromising his rights. 499<br />
Many worry that the Milošević case established a model <strong>for</strong> others in which high-profile<br />
defendants have abused their right to self-representation, stringing out trial proceedings and<br />
mocking justice. Describing the ongoing trial of Vojislav Šešelj who, like Milošević, chose to<br />
represent himself, Mirsad Tokača noted the unnerving similarity and added: “The Tribunal is<br />
now the strongest weapon in Šešelj’s hands.” 500 Savima Sali-Terzić wonders “why Šešelj has<br />
all the power to mock the court and the judges just sit there in all their dignity. He offends the<br />
victims again. The procedure is terrible. I’m a lawyer and I just don’t understand.” 501<br />
Saying he planned to challenge everything but whether it was “sunny outside or raining,”<br />
Radovan Karadžić—whose case we discuss further below and who, like Milošević, chose<br />
to represent himself—told ICTY judges that his trial would be “far greater than any be<strong>for</strong>e<br />
it.” 502 Seeing a cascade effect from Milošević to Šešelj “and Krajišnik and now Karadžić,” Sre-<br />
THAT SOMEONE GUILTY BE PUNISHED 75