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That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...

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38. As we note in Chapter VI, then UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali recognized<br />

the role of national courts in prosecuting the atrocities then under way. But under the prevailing<br />

circumstances, Bosnian courts were hardly seen as credible vehicles <strong>for</strong> justice.<br />

39. See David Tolbert and Aleksandar Kontić, Final Report of the <strong>International</strong> Criminal Law<br />

Services (ICLS) Experts on the Sustainable Transition of the Registry and <strong>International</strong> Donor Support<br />

to the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Prosecutor’s Office of Bosnia and Herzegovina<br />

in 2009 ( Dec. 15, 2008).<br />

40. Report on the Judicial Status of the <strong>International</strong> Criminal Tribunal <strong>for</strong> the <strong>for</strong>mer Yugoslavia<br />

and the Prospects <strong>for</strong> Referring Certain Cases to National Courts, June 2002, annexed to<br />

Letter dated 17 June 2002 from the Secretary-General addressed to the Security Council, UN Doc.<br />

S/2002/678, para. 49.<br />

41. See especially Chapter VI.<br />

42. Interview with Mirsad Tokača, president, Research and Documentation <strong>Center</strong> Sarajevo,<br />

Sarajevo, July 24, 2009.<br />

43. Interview with Nidžara Ahmetašević, editor, Balkan Investigative Reporters Network in BiH,<br />

July 13, 2009.<br />

2. Background<br />

44. The resolution creating the Tribunal, S.C. Res. 827 (May 25, 1993) was preceded by a resolution<br />

adopted three months earlier in which the Security Council decided that the ICTY “shall be<br />

established” and directed the Secretary-General to submit a proposal <strong>for</strong> constituting the court. S.C.<br />

Res. 808 (Feb. 22, 1993).<br />

45. The international media played an important role in exposing the atrocities underway in<br />

Bosnia. A breakthrough series appeared in Newsday starting on August 2, 1992. Newsday journalist<br />

Roy Gutman reported on “concentration camps in which more than a thousand civilians have been<br />

executed or starved and thousands more are being held until they die.” Roy Gutman, “Bosnia’s<br />

Camps of Death,” Newsday, Aug. 2, 1992. Gutman, soon joined by other journalists, continued to<br />

report on the Bosnian atrocities in real time.<br />

46. A major difference between Bosnia and Croatia is that Serbs were a relatively small minority<br />

in Croatia (roughly 12 percent of its prewar population) but a much larger minority in Bosnia,<br />

almost one-third of its prewar population.<br />

47. In the initial phase of the war, Bosniaks and Croats joined <strong>for</strong>ces against a common enemy,<br />

but the alliance collapsed in autumn 1992 and <strong>for</strong> the next three years Bosnia was engulfed in<br />

conflict, with all three major groups fighting each other.<br />

48. Writing that the Security Council created the ICTY <strong>for</strong> both “[g]ood and bad reasons,” Aryeh<br />

Neier explains what he meant by the latter: Creating the Tribunal “was a substitute <strong>for</strong> effective<br />

action to halt Serb depredations in Bosnia-Herzegovina.” Aryeh Neier, War Crimes: Brutality, Genocide,<br />

Terror and the Struggle <strong>for</strong> Justice, p. 112 (Times Books, 1998) [hereafter War Crimes]. Similarly,<br />

journalist Pierre Hazan writes that Western leaders’ motivation in creating the ICTY “is more to<br />

reassure the public than to <strong>for</strong>mulate concrete responses in the domain of preventive diplomacy.”<br />

Pierre Hazan, Justice in a Time of War: The True Story behind the <strong>International</strong> Criminal Tribunal <strong>for</strong><br />

the Former Yugoslavia, p. 41 (Texas A&M Univ. Press 2004) [hereafter Justice in a Time of War].<br />

138 NOTES

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